Charlie Kirk Quotes

Trump has probably become the greatest living exemplar of free speech in the twenty-first century. As he put it, we can’t improve if political correctness prevents us from even talking honestly about what our problems are.

Protecting individual liberty from the tyrannical forces of government is the idea our nation was built upon. It is the only way to protect the individual’s rights, the family, local churches and schools, and other groups who can’t fight back themselves. Be skeptical of everything, especially your government. Ask questions, fight for your rights, and never surrender.

Death penalties should be public, should be quick, it should be televised. I think at a certain age, its an initiation...What age should you start to see public executions?

But the two parties were never quite literally opposites in their philosophies. The old Democrat formula, ideally stated, was something like: a big welfare and regulatory state combined with an American military subordinated to big international alliances and treaty organizations. The old Republican formula, ideally stated, was something like: free trade, big business, opposition to welfare, legislation defending traditional morality (such as pushing for pro-life measures when possible), plus never-ending military engagements overseas, with every dictator around the world due to become our fighting foe eventually.

America became the land to which people from the Old World could flee to ply their trades without answering to guilds, farm land without answering to the lord of the manor, pray without permission from the government’s bishops, and talk about the affairs of the day without fearing reprisals from the king.

Obviously and thankfully, Hillary Clinton never became president, but all of the achievements described above are real — and are the handiwork of the person who became president on January 20, 2017: Donald J. Trump. (Many of these items come from the Washington Examiner’s tally of Trump successes.)

The belief that the bad conditions are “inevitable” and unchangeable is a dangerous, self-fulfilling prophecy. We’d been told ISIS and the Paris Climate Agreement were inevitable — just as pre-Reagan America was told by Jimmy Carter that America needed to get over its “inordinate fear of communism” and accept the permanence of the Soviet Union. But these things aren’t unchangeable. Believing that they are beatable can help make them so. One must dare to believe greatness can come again.

Two hundred years ago, 84% of the world lived in extreme poverty. Today, 90% don’t. 83% didn’t have a basic education. Today, 86% do. 1% lived in a democracy. Today just 44% don’t. The child mortality rate was 43%. Today, it’s 4%.

Trump sees that these issues — sound economics and a nationalist foreign policy orientation — go together for reasons much more logical than knee-jerk opposition to all interaction with foreigners. His instinctual wariness of deadbeats and moochers leads him to be skeptical of both Europe’s socialist redistributionist tendencies in economics and its post–World War II tendency to let

A two-party cartel, entrenched and self-serving, soon looks like the most natural manifestation of democracy imaginable. The heads of those two parties argue when they must, each party hoping to differentiate itself from the other just enough to eke out a victory in the next election — but neither wants to argue for, or if elected institute, change so fundamental that it would destroy all the stuff that the leaders of the two parties have in common with each other and not with you, the general public: unearned use of $4 trillion a year, the power to regulate, and the endless attention of fawning lobbyists and Washington powerbrokers.

Obama thinks apology is statesmanship, and Bush thinks looking for criminals to fight is. Trump admires strength and tough talk to a degree Obama probably considers uncouth, but he does not believe in using it as indiscriminately as the Bush clan traditionally has. Trump, unlike virtually every political figure in Washington, is goal-oriented.

But Trump’s instincts did not arise in a vacuum. Like all Americans, he inherited a tradition that conveys the norms that have enabled us to flourish. A lifetime as an entrepreneur taught him more about economics — and about the threat posed by an intrusive regulatory state — than is known by a fashionable socialist such as Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, despite the pride she takes in her economics degree. He has lived in New York City at times of comfort and times of rampant crime, and he understands the importance of preventing violence, whether from Latin American drug cartels or radical Muslim terrorists. Most Americans understand that it is those profoundly decent impulses, not xenophobia, that inspire his sometimes harsh-sounding rhetoric about the need to protect our borders and crack down on real threats. He understands the failings of the media because he was a media star. He understands the evil nature of some CEOs because he went to Wharton and has rubbed elbows with those people ever since. The scariest thing about him to the elite is that he has been inside with them, and he’s exposing their secrets to the outside.

Never give up, never surrender, and always go for the win.

Harris flip-flops as well, sometimes making it difficult to determine what her position is on a given law. She at times opposed California’s three-strikes-you’re-out (for life) laws — but then again, she wanted to jail parents if their kids skipped school. She’s not shy about coming down on people with the hammer of government.

It’s not that those of us on Team Trump long to be rude. It’s not that we look down on any subsets of American society. All individuals are created equal — but not all cultures and ideas are equal, and we need to be able to compare and contrast intelligently.