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It will thus be seen that every time a proposal for the reform of the constitution comes forth, the Muslims are there, ready with some new political … - B. R. Ambedkar
" "It will thus be seen that every time a proposal for the reform of the constitution comes forth, the Muslims are there, ready with some new political demand or demands. The only check upon such indefinite expansion of Muslim demands is the power of the British Government, which must be the final arbiter in any dispute between the Hindus and the Muslims. Who can confidently say that the decision of the British will not be in favour of the Muslims, if the dispute relating to these new demands was referred to them for arbitration? The more the Muslims demand, the more accommodating the British seem to become. At any rate, past experience shows that the British have been inclined to give the Muslims more than what the Muslims had themselves asked.
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About B. R. Ambedkar
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (April 14, 1891 – December 6, 1956), an Indian polymath: jurist, economist, politician, and writer. He pioneered revival of Buddhism in India and inspired the modern Buddhist movement. He was independent India's first law minister, and the major architect of the Constitution of India.
Also Known As
Birth Name:
Bhīvā Rāmjī Sakpāḷ
Native Name:
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
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भीमराव रामजी आंबेडकर
Alternative Names:
Bhimrao Ambedkar
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Babasaheb Ambedkar
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Babasaheb
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Ambedkar
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Bhimrao R. Ambedkar
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B.R. Ambedkar
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B R Ambedkar
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Baba Saheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar
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Dr BR Ambedkar
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Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar
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Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
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Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar
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Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
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BR Ambedkar
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Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar
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Baba Saheb
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Additional quotes by B. R. Ambedkar
It might also be mentioned that Hijrat is not the only way of escape to Muslims who find themselves in a Dar-ul-Harb. There is another injunction of Muslim Cannon Law called Jihad (crusade) by which it becomes “incumbent on a Muslim ruler to extend the rules of Islam until the whole world shall have been brought under its sway. The world, being divided into two camps, Dar-ul-Islam (abode of Islam), Dar-ul-Harb (abode of war), all countries come under one category or the other. Technically, it is the duty of the Muslim ruler, who is capable of doing so, to transform Dar-ul-Harb into Dar-ul-Islam. The fact remains that India, if not exclusively under Muslim rule, is a Dar-ul-Harb and the Musalmans according to the tenets of Islam are justified in proclaiming a Jihad. Not only can they proclaim Jihad but they can call the aid of a foreign Muslim power to make Jihad success, or if the foreign Muslim power intends to proclaim a Jihad, help that power in making its endeavor a success. (295-296)
For Islam divides as inexorably as it binds. Islam is a close corporation and the distinction that it makes between Muslims and non-Muslims is a very real, very positive and very alienating distinction. The brotherhood of Islam is not the universal brotherhood of man. It is the brotherhood of Muslims for Muslims only. There is fraternity but its benefit is confined to those within that corporation. For those who are outside the corporation, there is nothing but contempt and enmity. (pp. 330-331)
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As a matter of fact the Caste system came into being long after the different races of India had co-mingled in blood and culture. To hold that distinctions of Caste are really distinctions of race and to treat different Castes as though they were so many different races is a gross perversion of facts. What racial affinity is there between the Brahmin of the Punjab and the Brahmin of Madras? What racial affinity is there between the untouchables of Bengal and the untouchables of Madras? What racial difference is there between the Brahmin of Punjab and the Chamar of Punjab? ... The Brahmin of Punjab is racially of the same stock as the Chamar of Punjab, and the Brahmin of Madras is the same race as the Pariah of Madras. Caste system does not demarcate racial division. Caste system is a social division of people of the same race.
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