It may be argued that writers stick to their convictions and serve only the truth, and that they only approve and support governmental conduct when t… - Claude Henri de Rouvroy, comte de Saint-Simon

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It may be argued that writers stick to their convictions and serve only the truth, and that they only approve and support governmental conduct when they judge it to be in the interests of the governed. We accept that. We know that even those writers working under the eyes and under the influence of the Government always work, or at least claim to work only for society as a whole, and would be offended if it were thought otherwise. Nevertheless, we are convinced that the governed know better than anyone what they want and what is in their interest. We believe that government is at least an unnecessary intermediary between those who think about the public interest and those who feel it, between political writers and industry.

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About Claude Henri de Rouvroy, comte de Saint-Simon

Claude-Henri de Rouvroy, comte de Saint-Simon (17 October 1760 – 19 May 1825), also referred to as Henri de Saint-Simon, was an early French utopian socialist, whose thought influenced the foundations of various 19th century philosophies, including the philosophy of science and the discipline of sociology.

Also Known As

Native Name: Claude-Henri de Rouvroy de Saint-Simón
Alternative Names: Henri de Saint-Simon Claude Henri de Saint-Simon Henri, Comte de Saint-Simon Claude-Henri, Comte de Saint-Simon Rouvroy Comte de Saint-Simon Claude-Henri de Rouvroy Claude-Henri, Comte de Saint-Simon De Rouvroy Henri, Comte de Saint- Simon Claude-Henri de, Comte de Saint-Simon Rouvroy C.-H., comte de Saint-Simon Claude-Henri de Rouvroy, Comte de Saint-Simon Comte de Saint-Simon Henri Anri Klod de Ruvrua Sen-Simon Claude Henri, Comte de Saint-Simon Anri de Sen-Simon Sheng-hsi-men Claude Henri, Comte De Saint-Simon Claude Henri, Comte de St. Simon Claude Henri, Count de Saint-Simon
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Additional quotes by Claude Henri de Rouvroy, comte de Saint-Simon

The philosopher places himself at the summit of thought; from there he views what the world has been and what it must become. He is not just an observer, he is an actor; he is an actor of the highest kind in a moral world because it is his opinion of what the world must become that regulates society.

It was in America, while I was fighting for the cause of industrial liberty, that I first felt the desire to see this plant from another world flower in my own country. This desire has since dominated all my thinking. Without respite I studied the course of advancement and further assured myself that the progress of civilisation could have no other end. And I invoked this aim of true liberty, true public happiness, with my most fervent hopes. For me every event that seemed to point in that direction was a new joy, a new hope. The French Revolution broke out, and at first it seemed to be thoroughly industrial. But it soon lost that character, and the many noble efforts which ought to have produced liberty resulted only in the tyranny of the Jacobins and military despotism. A happier age has now started to dawn for us: at last a government has been established which declares its own power to be based on the power of opinion. Ever since then France has yielded to common sense, that is, to the free discussion of its common interests.

True equality consists in each drawing benefits from society in exact proportion to his social outlay, that is to his real capacity, to the beneficent use he makes of his abilities. And this equality is the natural foundation of industrial society.

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