When I talk about this in the United States, I'm often attacked, 'oh, you don't believe in the free market economy', I say, how much free market can … - Jeffrey Sachs

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When I talk about this in the United States, I'm often attacked, 'oh, you don't believe in the free market economy', I say, how much free market can there be? You say deregulate, the moment the banks get in trouble, you say bail them out, the moment you bail them out, you say go back to deregulation. That's not a free market, that's a game, and we have to get out of the game. We have to get back to grown-up behaviour.
... There is a lot of greed and there's very little accountability... One wonders in the United States sometime whether the government is regulating the banks, or are the banks determining government policy?... Why have the politicians protected them all along? You know why? Very simple. They pay for the politicians.

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About Jeffrey Sachs

Jeffrey David Sachs (born November 5, 1954) is an American economist, academic, public policy analyst and former director of The Earth Institute at Columbia University, where he holds the title of University Professor. He is known as one of the world's leading experts on sustainable development, economic development, international relations and the fight against poverty.

Also Known As

Native Name: Jeffrey David Sachs
Alternative Names: Jeffrey D. Sachs Professor Jeffery Sachs Sachs, Jeffrey
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The United States foreign policy is based on "regime change". So how much trust can there be, especially after events like the Maidan? The United States is not a peace-loving country, it is a power seeking country. [...] The United States has overthrown dozens of governments. It definitely contributed to the overthrow of Yanukovych. It definitely tried to overthrow al-Assad in Syria and was a major provocation of the war there. And I know this from the inside, not just from the outside. [...] I know from top people involved in these issues what I'm discussing right now.

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The US foreign policy establishment had rhetorically justified America’s presence in Syria as part of the war on the Islamic State (ISIS). With ISIS essentially defeated and dispersed, Trump called the establishment’s bluff. Yet suddenly, the establishment declared the actual reasons for the extended US presence. Trump’s move, it was charged, would hand geopolitical advantages to Syria’s Bashar al-Assad, Russia’s Vladimir Putin, and Iran’s Ali Khamenei, while imperiling Israel, betraying the Kurds, and causing other ills that are essentially unrelated to ISIS.

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