The process of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute certainty if we pursue the right course. We are now the … - Alexander H. Stephens

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The process of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute certainty if we pursue the right course. We are now the nucleus of a growing power which, if we are true to ourselves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will determine. So far as it concerns States of the old Union, this process will be upon no such principles of reconstruction as now spoken of, but upon reorganization and new assimilation. Such are some of the glimpses of the future as I catch them.

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About Alexander H. Stephens

Alexander Hamilton Stephens (February 11, 1812 – March 4, 1883) was a Democratic politician and lawyer from the U.S. state of Georgia, and the Confederate vice president throughout the American Civil War. His "Cornerstone Speech" of March 1861 defended slavery as the Confederacy's cause in the most uncompromising terms, though after the war ended in a Confederate defeat, he tried to retract those statements and distance himself from his earlier sentiments. In the course of the war, Stephens became increasingly critical of Confederate President Jefferson Davis' policies, especially conscription and the suspension of habeas corpus. In February 1865, he was one of the commissioners who met with U.S. president Abraham Lincoln at the abortive Hampton Roads Conference to discuss peace terms. After his arrest by the U.S. for his part in the rebellion against the country, he was released and served in Congress, being elected Governor of Georgia shortly before his death.

Also Known As

Birth Name: Alexander Hamilton Stephens
Alternative Names: Alex. H. Stephens A. H. Stephens The Honorable Alexander H. Stephens

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Another change in the constitution relates to the length of the tenure of the presidential office. In the new constitution it is six years instead of four, and the President rendered ineligible for a re-election. This is certainly a decidedly conservative change. It will remove from the incumbent all temptation to use his office or exert the powers confided to him for any objects of personal ambition. The only incentive to that higher ambition which should move and actuate one holding such high trusts in his hands, will be the good of the people, the advancement, prosperity, happiness, safety, honor, and true glory of the confederacy.

That as the admission of States by Congress under the constitution was an act of legislation, and in the nature of a contract or compact between the States admitted and the others admitting, why should not this contract or compact be regarded as of like character with all other civil contracts liable to be rescinded by mutual agreement of both parties? The seceding States have rescinded it on their part, they have resumed their sovereignty. Why cannot the whole question be settled, if the north desire peace, simply by the Congress, in both branches, with the concurrence of the President, giving their consent to the separation, and a recognition of our independence?

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This idea, though not incorporated in the constitution, was the prevailing idea at that time. The constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly urged against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the government built upon it fell when the 'storm came and the wind blew'.

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