Fethullah Gülen Quotes

The failure of the July 15 coup attempt is an event of historical importance as an anti-democratic intervention against the government that came to power through elections was repelled with the support of the people. However, preventing the coup is not enough for democracy to win. Neither the rule of a minority, nor the rule of the majority and its resulting oppression of the minority, nor the autocratism of the elected people are true democracy. Democracy cannot be mentioned without fundamental human rights and freedoms, especially the rule of law, separation of powers, and freedom of expression. For Turkey, real victory in the name of democracy is possible with the revival of these fundamental values.

May God Almighty have mercy on those who lost their lives in this tragic incident; I hope that those whose property and property were damaged will be able to quickly compensate for their losses, and I hope that it will give strength and fortitude to the rescue teams responding to these fires. May God protect our country and all humanity from all kinds of disasters.

In this regard, both Muslims, powerful states and international organizations have duties. First of all, Muslims need to stop blaming the foreign policies of Western countries on the issue of terrorism and do some self-reflection. We need to question why there are so many young people among us who fall into the trap of terrorists. As Muslims, it is our duty to provide young people with a good education based on both religious and positive and humanitarian sciences, to include universal human values ​​in the education curriculum, and to ensure that human rights and freedoms are fully experienced in our societies. The duty of powerful states is to not see the problem of terrorism as a security problem that can be solved only by military and intelligence measures, but also to take steps regarding its political, economic and sociological aspects. They should take steps to ensure faster integration of Muslims living in their own countries and determine their foreign policies by valuing the lives of people living in other countries as much as they value the lives of their own citizens. The responsibility of international organizations such as the United Nations and the European Union is to take measures to protect fundamental human rights and freedoms all over the world and to impose sanctions to stop the terrible human rights violations of the country administrations that oppress their own people.

He needed an enemy to justify all of this: When the service movement did not become a tool for his own political ambitions, he declared Hizmet as an enemy and started to motivate his base with this. In order to maintain this motivation, they are now trying to blame every problem on the Hizmet movement. It can also be said that he made the right choice for himself. Because he knew very well that no matter how much he slandered and oppressed, there would be no retaliation against him and that the people he served would not even raise their hands to shake a fist.

On the other hand, many countries did not succumb to Erdogan's blackmail, using bilateral relations as a bargaining chip. They did not touch the service volunteers and institutions in their country. They opened their doors and arms to refugees fleeing persecution in Turkey. Egypt, Sweden, Finland, Norway, Germany, America, Canada, Australia and many other countries. I would like to remember this with gratitude.

Since July 15, following a deplorable coup attempt, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has systematically persecuted innocent people — arresting, detaining, firing and otherwise ruining the lives of more than 300,000 Turkish citizens, be they Armenians, Kurds, Alevis, secularists, leftists, journalists, academics or participants of Hizmet, the peaceful humanitarian movement with which I am associated.

We can say that Erdogan sees himself as the leader of the world's Muslims, and that he has become an embarrassment both with his words and actions, and with the use of the resources of the Turkish state to collect credit for himself in the world. In fact, those around him were not satisfied with this and called him a world leader.

My first Quran teacher was my mother. He made me memorize the Quran at a young age. At that time, despite the pressure from the state, he also taught the Quran to village children. Since it was forbidden to teach the Quran, he used to teach it in a barn next to our house, with a hidden entrance. His sacrifice impressed me greatly. From my father, I learned love for the companions and respect for Islamic scholars.

For 3 years, in an unprecedented way in the history of the Republic of Turkey, all the security and judicial forces of the state have been mobilized to reveal the "parallel state" that they claim to govern. The government described the corruption investigations in 2013 as a coup attempt organized by my sympathizers in the bureaucracy, but despite the arrest of 4000 people, the dismissal of tens of thousands of people from their professions, and the illegal seizure of hundreds of institutions and companies, not a single piece of evidence was found to prove these allegations. The then prime minister, who compared the possibility of meeting with me in May 2013 to a blessing falling from the sky, began to use hate language in the public squares, including terms ranging from assassin to bloodsucking vampire, about the participants of this movement after the corruption investigation.

Turkey’s current leaders seem to claim an absolute mandate by virtue of winning elections. But victory doesn’t grant them permission to ignore the Constitution or suppress dissent, especially when election victories are built on crony capitalism and media subservience. The A.K.P.’s leaders now depict every democratic criticism of them as an attack on the state. By viewing every critical voice as an enemy — or worse, a traitor — they are leading the country toward totalitarianism.

My philosophy — inclusive and pluralist Islam, dedicated to service to human beings from every faith — is antithetical to armed rebellion. For more than 40 years, the participants in the movement that I am associated with — called Hizmet, the Turkish word for “service” — have advocated for, and demonstrated their commitment to, a form of government that derives its legitimacy from the will of the people and that respects the rights of all citizens regardless of their religious views, political affiliations or ethnic origins. Entrepreneurs and volunteers inspired by Hizmet’s values have invested in modern education and community service in more than 150 countries.

Before either of those things can happen, however, the Turkish government must stop the repression of its people and redress the rights of individuals who have been wronged by Erdogan without due process.

Erdogan’s persecution of his people is not simply a domestic matter. The ongoing pursuit of civil society, journalists, academics and Kurds in Turkey is threatening the long-term stability of the country. The Turkish population already is strongly polarized on the AKP regime. A Turkey under a dictatorial regime, providing haven to violent radicals and pushing its Kurdish citizens into desperation, would be a nightmare for Middle East security.

Two measures are critical to reversing the democratic regression in Turkey.

There are different administrative systems in the world. These may vary from country to country. However, the main thing is to comply with universal principles such as separation of powers, rule of law and guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms. I do not think that these principles are or will be respected in the system that is intended to be implemented in Turkey.