[About Black Lives Matter:] If not for Black Lives Matter, I'm not sure how much we'd be talking about [police reform, qualified immunity, universal … - Coleman Hughes

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[About Black Lives Matter:] If not for Black Lives Matter, I'm not sure how much we'd be talking about [police reform, qualified immunity, universal body cams, military grade weapons in the police]. All these strike me as good ideas [...] and I think Black Lives Matter deserves credit for [them]. At the same time, the central premise of their movement is not true: The idea that we have a problem with racist cops killing unarmed black people. And it's a dangerous myth because it's the kind of myth that if you believe it, it makes sense to go out and riot and destroy businesses and loot and set things on fire. [...] And that's the narrative we've been sold for the past roughly seven years, let's say, and then the nation started burning. And I don't know who else to blame than the people who spread this myth.

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About Coleman Hughes

Coleman Hughes (born February 25, 1996) is an American writer and podcast host. He was a fellow at the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research and a fellow and contributing editor at their City Journal, and is the host of the podcast Conversations with Coleman.

Also Known As

Alternative Names: Coleman Cruz Hughes
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[About black people being over-represented in criminal statistics:] As any intro stat student will tell you, you've got to control for the confounding variables. Men make up more than 90 % of victims in all these cases whether you're talking about brutality, prison, shot by the cops, or otherwise. Men are of course only 50 % of the population. Just viewing that fact doesn't tell you anyting about anti-male bias per se. It's impossible to not to talk about the underlying facts of racially disparate crime: 13 % of the population commits, and suffers, 52 % of the murders. [...] Virtually all of the disparities [...], show [young black men] in particular, showing up at heavily disproportionate rates and that's a first order problem. The police are coming into contact with young black men far more often as a result. [...] I'm not saying there's no racial bias in police; I think there is. [...] But I don't want to be such a self-flattering backseat driver to the cops whose job it is to actually keep everyone safe, including black and hispanic people, the vast majority of whom do not commit crime even in the most criminal neighborhoods. Virtually every study I've looked at that controls for all of these variables finds no anti-black bias in deadly shootings. Sometimes they find anti-black biases in cops' likelyhood to put his hands on and rough up a suspect and that's very real problem, but there's really no disparity to be found when it comes to a cop's decision to pull the trigger.

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Almost all successful examples of reparations [...] have been to the specific individuals who were harmed, not to their grand-grandchildren. My ancestors were on Thomas Jefferson's plantation; we can prove it; we have the documentation. The question from a policy perspective is, in a condition with limited resources where we are trying to fix the broken public education system, where we have health care costs that are so far gone compared to our peer countries, [...] that we can either allocate limited resources based on who needs it the most, or you can give it to someone like me because my grandparents were on Monticello. The second thing doesn't make sense, and doesn't make sense to most Americans, and it shouldn't make sense.

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