Many black progressives use the myth of collective, intergenerational transfers of suffering to exempt themselves from the rules of civil discourse. - Coleman Hughes

[In 2018, Donald Trump passed] a bipartisan bill, that includes every progressive criminal justice reform that people on the far left have been calling for since 2007, called the First Step Act. He releases a couple of thousand inmates from federal prison, reduces sentences for a couple of thousand more. The majority of these people are black. It shifts the focus from punishment to rehabilitation. It's just everything that you wouldn't expect a sort of law-and-order politician like Trump to do. And of course he got no credit for it because it was too awkward and surprising to admit that he did something like that. But that was exactly the kind of progress that if it had come after a riot, people would have seen it as proof that riots work. But because it just came out of the blue, in the middle of Trump's first term, people just didn't even pay attention to it. My point here being that progress is happening all the time it's not that it needs riots to happen, it's that all the people that are justifying the riots are not paying attention when the progress is happening.

[About Black Lives Matter:] If not for Black Lives Matter, I'm not sure how much we'd be talking about [police reform, qualified immunity, universal body cams, military grade weapons in the police]. All these strike me as good ideas [...] and I think Black Lives Matter deserves credit for [them]. At the same time, the central premise of their movement is not true: The idea that we have a problem with racist cops killing unarmed black people. And it's a dangerous myth because it's the kind of myth that if you believe it, it makes sense to go out and riot and destroy businesses and loot and set things on fire. [...] And that's the narrative we've been sold for the past roughly seven years, let's say, and then the nation started burning. And I don't know who else to blame than the people who spread this myth.

[About black people being over-represented in criminal statistics:] As any intro stat student will tell you, you've got to control for the confounding variables. Men make up more than 90 % of victims in all these cases whether you're talking about brutality, prison, shot by the cops, or otherwise. Men are of course only 50 % of the population. Just viewing that fact doesn't tell you anyting about anti-male bias per se. It's impossible to not to talk about the underlying facts of racially disparate crime: 13 % of the population commits, and suffers, 52 % of the murders. [...] Virtually all of the disparities [...], show [young black men] in particular, showing up at heavily disproportionate rates and that's a first order problem. The police are coming into contact with young black men far more often as a result. [...] I'm not saying there's no racial bias in police; I think there is. [...] But I don't want to be such a self-flattering backseat driver to the cops whose job it is to actually keep everyone safe, including black and hispanic people, the vast majority of whom do not commit crime even in the most criminal neighborhoods. Virtually every study I've looked at that controls for all of these variables finds no anti-black bias in deadly shootings. Sometimes they find anti-black biases in cops' likelyhood to put his hands on and rough up a suspect and that's very real problem, but there's really no disparity to be found when it comes to a cop's decision to pull the trigger.