Adolf Hitler

I absolutely insist on protecting private property. It is natural and salutary that the individual should be inspired by the wish to devote a part of the income from his work to building up and expanding a family estate. Suppose the estate consists of a factory. I regard it as axiomatic, in the ordinary way, that this factory will be better run by one of the members of the family that it would be by a State functionary—providing, of course, that the family remains healthy. In this sense, we must encourage private initiative.

Germany's economic policy is conducted exclusively in accordance with the interests of the German people. In this respect I am a fanatical socialist, one who has ever in mind the interests of all his people.

Even today I am not ashamed to say that, overpowered by stormy enthusiasm, I fell down on my knees and thanked Heaven from an overflowing heart for granting me the good fortune of being permitted to live at this time.

Additionally, on special petition men should be able to enter into a binding martial relationship not only with one woman, but also with another, who would then get his name without complications, and the children automatically getting the father's name

In view of the gravity of the situation, I wish to make a statement which I would like you to forward to M. Daladier.
As I have already told him, I bear no enmity whatever towards France.
I have personally renounced all claims to Alsace-Lorraine and recognized the Franco-German frontier.
I do not want war with your country; my one desire is to maintain good relations with it.
I find indeed the idea that I might have to fight France on account of Poland a very painful one.
The Polish provocation, however, has placed the Reich in a position which cannot be allowed to continue.
Several months ago I made extremely fair proposals to Poland, demanding the return of Danzig to the Reich and of a narrow strip of territory leading from this German city to East Prussia.
But the guarantee given by the British Government has encouraged the Poles to be obstinate.
Not only has the Warsaw Government rejected my proposals, but it has subjected the German minority, our blood-brothers, to the worst possible treatment, and has begun mobilization.
At first, I forbade the Press of the Reich to publish accounts of the cruelties suffered by the Germans in Poland.
But the situation has now become intolerable.
Are you aware, that there have been cases of castration?
That already there are more than 70,000 refugees in our camps?
Yesterday seven Germans were killed by the police in Bielitz, and thirty German reservists were machine-gunned at Lodz.
Our aeroplanes can no longer fly between Germany and East Prussia without being shot at; their route had been changed, but they are now even attacked over the sea.
Thus, the plane which was carrying State Secretary Stuckart was fired at by Polish warships, a fresh incident which I was not yet in a position to bring to the notice of Sir Nevile Henderson this morning.
No nation worthy of the name can put up with such unbearable insults.
France would not tolerate it any more than Germany.
These things have gone on long enough, and I will reply by force to any further provocations.
I want to state once again: I wish to avoid war with your country.
I will not attack France, but if she joins in the conflict, I will see it through to the bitter end.
As you are aware, I have just concluded a pact with Moscow that is not only theoretical, but, I may say, practical.
I believe I shall win, and you believe you will win: what is certain is that above all French and German blood will flow, the blood of two equally courageous peoples.
I say again, it is painful to me to think we might come to that. Please tell this to President Daladier on my behalf.

As opposed to this, we National Socialists must hold unflinchingly to our aim in foreign policy, namely, to secure for the German people the land and soil to which they are entitled on this earth. And this action is the only one which, before God and our German posterity, would make any sacrifice of blood seem justified.

My generals should be like bull terriers on chains, and they should want war, war, war ... But what happens now? I want to go ahead with my aggressive politics and the generals try to stop me. That's a false situation.

Im allgemeinen soll aber nie vergessen werden, daß nicht die Erhaltung eines Staates oder gar die einer Regierung höchster Zweck des Daseins der Menschen ist, sondern die Bewahrung ihrer Art.

We are rearming, but do not dream of attacking other nations, providing they leave us alone. ... We have given Central Europe a great fortune—namely, peace, which is protected by the German might.

This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our territory. Since 5.45 A.M. we have been returning the fire, and from now on bombs will be met by bombs. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured.

We want a society with neither castes nor ranks and you must not allow these ideas to grow within you!

All life is bound up in three theses: struggle is the father of all things, virtue lies in the blood, and leadership is primary and decisive.

1928 Speech

There is a difference between the theoretical knowledge of socialism and the practical life of socialism. People are not born socialists, but must first be taught how to become them.

I am determined to solve (1) the Danzig question; (2) the question of the Corridor; and (3) to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Poland that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Polish government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Polish Government is ready to do so. I am resolved to remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers. In this I will take the necessary measures to se that they do not contradict the proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If, however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight.

Under the guidance of the Reich, Europe would speedily have become unified. Once the Jewish poison had been eradicated, unification would have been an easy matter. France and Italy, each defeated in turn at an interval of a few months by the two Germanic Powers, would have been well out of it. Both would have had to renounce their inappropriate aspirations to greatness. At the same time they would have had to renounce their pretensions in North Africa and the Near East; and that would have allowed Europe to pursue a bold policy of friendship towards Islam.