Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd Quotes

The British have fought to death for the requisites of their existence. Can't you understand that we are doing it also?

On 26 May 1960 at a large political rally at Meyerton, Transvaal, as quoted by N. F. Hefer & G. C. Basson in Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd, Pictorial Biography 1901-1966, p. 83. Voortrekkerpers (1966)

After half a century of co-operation – difficult, at times very difficult – a stage has been reached when both groups [i.e. Afrikaans and English-speaking whites] as never before are faced with a challenge to bury the past, to let it become the combined history of a unified volk/people. Today we are faced with threats for the future of our civilization, for our prosperity, for the contribution of the white man of Africa to the struggle of the white man of Europe and America to retain his hegemony in the world. Also to make Christianity victorious, sacrifices must be made, and nowhere is Christianity more threatened than in Africa. Sacrifices of sentiment is expected of everybody. There must not only be a union of provinces in South Africa. There must also be a union of hearts.

Addressing the South Africa club in London on 17 March 1961, as quoted by N. F. Hefer & G. C. Basson in Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd, Pictorial Biography 1901-1966, p. 93. Voortrekkerpers (1966)

It was not the Republic of South Africa that was told, 'We are not going to support you in this respect.' Those words were addressed to the monarchy of South Africa, and yet we have the same monarch as this person from Britain who addressed these words to us. It was a warning given to all of us, English-speaking and Afrikaans-speaking, republican and anti-republican. It was clear to all of us that as far as these matters are concerned, we shall have to stand on our own feet.

[No evidence exists to support the assertions that a threat to world peace or security exists in South West Africa.]

There are two ways of obtaining a republic, either by election or by a referendum. Former National Party leaders have promised that the Union's transition to a republic will be subject to ratification by the nation. Therefore, it will now be the case. The heads of white voters who vote will be counted. The government has the constitutional right to decide the issue of a Republic with a majority vote in Parliament – just as the United Party plunged the Union into a war. However, the National Party has voluntarily waived this right and the test will be laid to the general will. However, the National Party will not lie down if they lose this test. They will not stop fighting until South Africa has its own republic.

For those who hesitated to turn this page in history, it will be more difficult than for them who eagerly did so. … I also have no illusions about the difficulties that lie ahead. Heaven will not suddenly descend to us on earth – neither with regard to our personal relationships, nor where we tackle our racial problems, or where we develop our economy. But I am convinced that a great future awaits. … There will be a challenge in almost every task we undertake, every issue we face.

Must Bantu and European in future develop as intermixed communities, or as communities separated from one another in so far as this is practically possible? If the reply is ‘intermingled communities’, then the following must be understood. There will be competition and conflict everywhere. So long as the points of contact are still comparatively few, as is the case now, friction and conflict will be few and less evident. The more this intermixing develops, however, the stronger the conflict will become. In such a conflict, the Europeans will, at least for a long time, hold the stronger position, and the Bantu be the defeated party in every phase of the struggle. This must cause to rise in him an increasing sense of resentment and revenge.

Britain must now take our hand of friendship or reject it. I do not believe it will be rejected.

Genl. Smuts and his followers, without any hesitation, laid all their much-celebrated quest for reconciliation and the creation of one nation of Afrikaans and English speakers on the altar of the British Empire. It is clear that their aim was not to create a truly South African people/volk, but a branch of the English people living in South Africa. And in it Afrikanerdom had to be dissolved. This war crisis was necessary to make that transparent to everyone.

In light of the opinions expressed on behalf of the other member governments regarding the racial policies of the Union Government, and the indications of their future plans against the racial policies of the Union Government, it was decided to retract South Africa's application for Commonwealth membership when the country becomes a Republic on May 31st. ... this regrettable step marks the beginning of the disintegration of the Commonwealth.

As Jews presently enjoy a disproportionate share of the wholesale and retail trade, such a balanced distribution can be achieved only by refusing them further trading licenses, until such a time as the other main population groups, such as English- and Afrikaans-speakers, have gained a proportion which (as far as practicable) corresponds to their percentage of the white population. … Of course, the discrimination must disappear as soon as the correct balance (ewewigtige toestand) has been achieved.

The tendency in Africa for nations to become independent and, at the same time, the need to do justice to all, does not only mean being just to the black man of Africa but also being just to the white man of Africa. They are the people, not only in the Union but throughout major portions of Africa, who brought civilisation here, who made possible the present development of black nationalism by bringing the natives education, by showing them the Western way of life, by bringing to Africa industry and development, by inspiring them with the ideals which Western civilisation has developed for itself.

Translated from Afrikaans: Brittanje moet nou ons hand van vriendskap neem of dit verwerp. Ek glo nie dat dit verwerp sal word nie.