British philosopher and political economist (1806–1873)
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Protection, therefore, against tyranny of the magistrate is not enough: there needs protection also against the tyranny of the prevailing opinion and feeling; against the tendency of society to impose, by other means than civil penalties, its own ideas and practices as rules of conduct on those who dissent from them; to fetter the development, and, if possible, prevent the formation, of any individuality not in harmony with its ways, and compel all characters to fashion themselves upon the model of its own.
War is an ugly thing, but not the ugliest of things: the decayed and degraded state of moral and patriotic feeling which thinks that nothing is worth a war, is much worse. When a people are used as mere human instruments for firing cannon or thrusting bayonets, in the service and for the selfish purposes of a master, such war degrades a people. A war to protect other human beings against tyrannical injustice; a war to give victory to their own ideas of right and good, and which is their own war, carried on for an honest purpose by their free choice, — is often the means of their regeneration. A man who has nothing which he is willing to fight for, nothing which he cares more about than he does about his personal safety, is a miserable creature who has no chance of being free, unless made and kept so by the exertions of better men than himself. As long as justice and injustice have not terminated their ever-renewing fight for ascendancy in the affairs of mankind, human beings must be willing, when need is, to do battle for the one against the other.
Whoever fails in the consideration generally due to the interests and feelings of others, not being compelled by some more imperative duty, or justified by allowable self-preference, is a subject of moral disapprobation for that failure, but not for the cause of it, nor for the errors, merely personal to himself, which may have remotely led to it. In like manner, when a person disables himself, by conduct purely self-regarding, from the performance of some definite duty incumbent on him to the public, he is guilty of a social offence. No person ought to be punished simply for being drunk; but a soldier or a policeman should be punished for being drunk on duty.
"در مورد هر انسانی که قضاوتش به راستی شایستهی اطمینان است این سوال پیش میآید که چطور شده است عقیدهی وی این اندازه مورد اطمینان قرار گرفته است؟
برای اینکه فکرش برای شنیدن هر نوع تنقیدی از رفتار و عقایدش باز بوده است. برای اینکه عادت داشته است به تمام آن حرفهایی که بر ضد عقایدش اقامه میشده است گوش بدهد تا اینکه بتواند از گفتههای صحیح مخالفان بهرهمند گردد و در همان حال خود بیپرده ببیند که چه قسمتهایی از گفتهها و دلایل ایشان باطل است و بطلان آن را سر فرصت به دیگران هم نشان بدهد. برای اینکه احساس کرده است که تنها راهی که یک موجود بشری به کمک آن میتواند تا حدی به شناختن "سرتاپای یک موضوع" موفق گردد این است که به هر گونه حرف یا نظری که اشخاص مختلف، با عقاید مختلف، دربارهی آن موضوع دارند گوش دهد و تمام شکلهایی را که آن موضوع در افکار مختلف به خود میگیرد از نظرگاه صاحبان آن افکار بررسی کند. هیچ خردمندی جز با گذشتن از این راه خردمند نگردیده است و اصلا نیروی خالقهی فهم بشر طوری آفریده نشده است که وی بتواند از راهی دیگر خردمند گردد."
The art of music is good, for the reason, among others, that it produces pleasure; but what proof is it possible to give that pleasure is good? If, then, it is asserted that there is a comprehensive formula, including all things which are in themselves good, and that whatever else is good, is not so as an end, but as a mean, the formula may be accepted or rejected, but is not a subject of what is commonly understood by proof.
The utilitarian morality does recognise in human beings the power of sacrificing their own greatest good for the good of others. It only refuses to admit that the sacrifice is itself a good. A sacrifice which does not increase, or tend to increase, the sum total of happiness, it considers as wasted.