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Sophie Mokoena: The Pan-African Parliament, there has been a contestation Mr Malema, on the powers and the function of the Pan-African Parliament but also whether it is effective enough to deal with issues of governance on the continent. Malema: Well, that's what we are calling for as Pan-African Parliament, that we must have legislative powers, that we must have the capacity to play an oversight role on the executives in the continent, hold them accountable, and we can only do that if countries ratify the protocols which will allow this parliament to become a fully legislative continental body which will hold executives accountable. A lot of presidents aren't comfortable with that because they do not accept being held accountable, and those are some of the people who thrive on violation of human rights, dictatorship and stealing the government money and resources of the countries without being held accountable. They do that with impunity because they know that they control and run those countries as if they are personal properties, but with a continental body like PAP being given legislative powers to hold executives accountable, they will no longer be in a position to do all the shenanigans they are able to get away with now.

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Pan Africanism was essentially supposed to strengthen the bond among African people and create unity. However, how are people supposed to unite if women aren’t yet seen as fully people/humans? This means, even on a continental level, women are still very intentionally made vulnerable and heavily marginalized. Female politicians must come to the understanding that Pan Africanism cannot be fully achieved in dominant patriarchal spaces. Dismantling the patriarchy and its complex power matrix is something they should all be very keen on because its hindrances are too grave.

The fact that there still is no parliamentary body at the UN more and more interferes with the world organization's democratic legitimacy. A UN Parliamentary Assembly would strengthen the democratic nature of the UN and bring it closer to the citizens. That's one of the reasons why the East African Legislative Assembly supports its establishment.

An effective Parliament is an important element of a vibrant democracy and good governance, all of which are desired principles of the Commonwealth as enshrined in the Commonwealth Charter. It is the principle of the CPA that stronger parliaments mean stronger democracies, and greater capacity to deliver the benefits that people expect: such as employment opportunities, empowerment of women, food security, health care, education, rural development, a brighter future for children and protection of the environment.

A World Parliamentary Assembly functioning outside the United Nations, or a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly set up as a subsidiary body of the General Assembly pursuant to article 22 of the UN Charter, could start initially as a consultative body and gradually develop into a legislative assembly.

This Parliament exists - and always will - to serve the people and to provide national leadership which reflects their hopes, addresses their fears and raises their aspirations. It is a Parliament which the people demanded. It is also a Parliament of which the people make demands.

Sophie Mokoena: Mr Malema, some say it was ill-discipline. What was happening? Malema: Well, a member of parliament from Mali has been misbehaving. He moved from his side to our side, started fighting with a Zimbabwean lady, from there he came to me. Every time people disagree with Mali's position on rotation, he bangs tables and he doesn't stop. So when I asked him to keep quiet so that we can listen, he started being aggressive and threatened to kill me, and I said, "I won't do it here, I won't kill you here inside, I will kill you outside, so, stop threatening to kill me inside parliament." So it was a reaction. If a person says to me he will kill me you can't give him roses. I told him, "I will kill you."
Mokoena: ... is it necessary really?
Malema: I will kill him. He can't threaten me, to kill, I will kill him. I will repeat it anywhere. No-one threatens me. ... My life is more important than any other thing. I will defend myself. I didn't go to where he was sitting. He has been bullying everybody here. He can't bully me. No-one can bully me and threaten to kill me. I said to him, "out of respect for this thing I'll kill you outside, I won't kill you inside parliament." I respect this house. Today he came to me, we smoked a peace pipe and everything is fine now ... The problem here is that the western countries [of Africa] are refusing to accept the principle of rotation. And when they disagree with you, they bully you and do all types of intimidation. ...
Mokoena: What is your message [to the youth] after this video?
Malema: ... The youth of Africa [...] have tolerated nonsense for a very long time, especially from the so-called elders who are ruling them in an autocratic manner, in a manner that if you disagree you get killed, in an undemocratic manner, where women and children are being raped, [...] people who are opposing the status quo, as a way of punishing their opponents. ... That is why in this country we are able to put a stop to a potential nonsensical situation, because of our attitude [that] it doesn't matter how dangerous the situation can be, if it is not in the best interest of our people, we are going to deal with it.
Mokoena: The tension between the Francophones and Anglophones does not project a good image of the continent that is trying to unite. ... Why can Africans not speak in one voice, particularly on issues that are of interest to the continent?
Malema: The Francophones are still admiring their colonizers, they still worship the symbols of France. Actually they see themselves as French, and we have to do away with that. ... They seem to be thinking that because of the numbers of their countries they must have dominance over us, and they must serve in the best interests of what France requires them to do. ... A rotational principle helps to unite a continent, in a sense that every region feels that it is part of this parliament.

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African nationalism, as some of the fathers of African nationalism realised, is and must be pan-African. Pan-Africanism, they argue, is the nationalism of the era of globalisation; and only pan-Africanism can carry forward the struggle for national liberation in Africa. Without a pan-African vision, there is the danger that the resurgence of nationalism as a reaction to the new imperial assault could degenerate into narrow, parochial, nationalist chauvinism, even ethnicism and racism. But this new pan-Africanism must be a bottom-up people’s pan-Africanism, and not a top-down statist pan-Africanism. In the hands of the African state and its ‘leaders’, pan-Africanism will degenerate into ‘NEPAD-ism’, or phony African renaissance.

Participation by the public in decision-making, which requires full information, transparency and accountability, is essential to the democratic order. Parliaments have a special responsibility to oversee the adoption of national budgets and to monitor the actual use of appropriations so as to ferret out corruption.

I think both in the global community and in Africa, we have the right rhetoric, we have the correct framework. But it’s when that rubber hits the road that action comes into play. I think in the case of the AU, what we have seen the African leadership do in the last few months is to, first of all, get behind the reforms that are needed and make them happen, and ask and take the tough questions on how to reform an institution to take responsibility for the decisions that happen to get the results, both in terms of the AU’s Agenda 2063 and Silencing the Guns. We have also seen that they made progress in taking responsibility towards financing the AU itself. These are all works in progress at different stages but I believe the leadership right now is incredibly serious about it and we are redefining our relationship with Africa on the basis of respect and solidarity, as the [UN] secretary general says.

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