The quality of a society and of its culture will depend on the status of its unemployed. - Ivan Illich

New classes of underconsumers and of underemployed are one of the inevitable by-products of industrial progress.
Organization makes them aware of their common plight. At present articulate minorities-often claiming the leadership of majorities — seek equal treatment. If one day they were to seek equal work rather than equal pay-equal inputs rather than equal outputs-they could be the pivot of social reconstruction. Industrial society could not possibly resist a strong women's movement, for example, which would lead to the demand that all people, without distinction, do equal work. Women are integrated into all classes and races. Most of their daily activities are performed in nonindustrial ways. Industrial societies remain viable precisely because women are there to perform those daily tasks which resist industrialization. It is easier to imagine that the North American continent would cease to exploit the under-industrialization of South America than that it would cease to use its women for industry-resistant chores. In a society ruled by the standards of industrial efficiency, housework is rendered inhuman and devalued. It would be rendered even less tolerable if it were given pro-forma industrial
status. The further expansion of industry would be brought to a halt if women forced upon us the recognition that society is no longer viable if a single mode of production prevails. The effective recognition that not two but several equally valuable, dignified, and important modes of production must coexist within any viable society would bring industrial expansion under
control. Growth would stop if women obtained equally creative work for all, instead of demanding equal rights over the gigantic and expanding tools now appropriated by men.

But this does not mean that the transition from our present to a convivial mode of production can be accomplished without
serious threats to the survival of many people. At present the relationship between people and their tools is suicidally
distorted. The survival of Pakistanis depends on Canadian grain, and the survival of New Yorkers on world-wide exploitation
of natural resources. The birth pangs of a convivial world society will inevitably be violently painful for hungry Indians and
for helpless New Yorkers. I will later argue that the transition from the present mode of production, which is
Overwhelmingly industrial, toward conviviality may start suddenly. But for the sake of the survival of many people it will be
Tools for Conviviality
Page 7 Document developed using Purpledesirable that the transition does not happen all at once. I argue that survival in justice is possible only at the cost of those
sacrifices implicit in the adoption of a convivial mode of production and the universal renunciation of unlimited progeny,
affluence, and power on the part of both individuals and groups. This price cannot be extorted by some despotic Leviathan,
nor elicited by social engineering. People will rediscover the value of joyful sobriety and liberating austerity only if they
relearn to depend on each other rather than on energy slaves. The price for a convivial society will be paid only as the result
of a political process which reflects and promotes the society-wide inversion of present industrial consciousness. This
political process will find its concrete expression not in some taboo, but in a series of temporary agreements on one or the
other concrete limitation of means, constantly adjusted under the pressure of conflicting insights and interests.

Above all, political discussion is stunned by a delusion about science. This term has come to mean an institutional enterprise rather than a personal activity, the solving of puzzles rather than the unpredictably creative activity of individual people. Science is now used to label a spectral production agency which turns out better knowledge just as medicine produces better health. The damage done by this misunderstanding about the nature of knowledge is even more fundamental than the damage done to the conceptions of health, education, or mobility by their identification with institutional outputs. False expectations
of better health corrupt society, but they do so in only one particular sense. They foster a declining concern with healthful environments, healthy life styles, and competence in the personal care of one's neighbor. Deceptions about health are circumstantial. The institutionalization of knowledge leads to a more general and degrading delusion. It makes people
dependent on having their knowledge produced for them. It leads to a paralysis of the moral and political imagination.