Ivan Illich Quotes

I do not believe that friendship today can flower out — can come out — of political life. I do believe that if there is something like a political life to be — to remain for us, in this world of technology — then it begins with friendship. Therefore my task is to cultivate disciplined, self-denying, careful, tasteful friendships. Mutual friendships always. I-and-you and, I hope, a third one, out of which perhaps community can grow. Because perhaps here we can find what the good is.

I will clarify a distinction that I consider fundamental to political ecology. I shall distinguish the environment as commons from the environment as resource. On our ability to make this particular distinction depends not only the construction of a sound theoretical ecology, but also — and more importantly — effective ecological jurisprudence.

I want to just go back to a great rabbinical and also, as you see, monastic, Christian development beyond what the Greeks like Plato or Cicero already knew about friendship. That it is from your eye that I find myself. There's a little thing there. They called it pupilla, a "puppet" of myself which I can see in your eye. The black thing in your eye. Pupil, puppet, person, eye. It is not my mirror. It is you making me the gift of that which Ivan is for you. That's the one who says "I" here. I'm purposely not saying, this is my person, this is my individuality, this is my ego. No. I'm saying this is the one who answers you here, whom you have given to him.

Institutional wisdom tells us that children need school. Institutional wisdom tells us that children learn in school. But this institutional wisdom is itself the product of schools because sound common sense tells us that only children can be taught in school. Only by segregating human beings in the category of childhood could we ever get them to submit to the authority of a schoolteacher.

Societies in which most people depend for most of their goods and services on the personal whim, kindness, or skill of another are called underdeveloped, while those in which living has been transformed into a process of ordering from an all-encompassing store catalogue are called advanced.

The exhaustion and pollution of earth's resource is, above all, the result of man's self-image, of a regression in his consciousness. Some would like to speak about a mutation of collective consciousness which leads to a conception of a man as an organism dependent not on nature and individuals, but rather on institutions. This institutionalization of substantive values, this belief that a planned process of treatment ultimately gives results desired by the recipient, this consumer ethos, is at the heart of the Promethean fallacy.
Efforts to find a new balance in the global milieu depend on the deinstitutionalization of values.

L'industrie du transport façonne son produit : l'usage. Chassé du monde où les personnes sont douées d'autonomie, il a aussi perdu l'impression de se trouver au centre du monde. Il a conscience de manque de plus en plus de temps, bien qu'il utilise chaque jour la voiture, le train, l'autobus, le métro et l'ascenseur, le tout pour franchir en moyenne trente kilomètres, souvent dans un rayon de moins de dix kilomètres. Le sol se dérobe sous ses pieds, il est cloué à la roue. Qu'il prenne le métro ou l'avion, il a toujours le sentiment d'avancer moins vite ou moins bien que les autres et il est jaloux des raccourcis qu'empruntent les privilégiés pour échapper à l'exaspération créée par la circulation. Enchaîné à l'horaire de son train de banlieue, il rêve d'avoir une auto. Épuisé par les embouteillages aux heures de pointe, il envie le riche qui se déplace à contre-sens. Il paie sa voiture de sa poche, mais il sait trop bien que le PDG utilise les voitures de l'entreprise, fait passer son essence dans les frais généraux ou se fait louer une voiture sans bourse délier. L'usager se trouve tout au bas de l'échelle où sans cesse augmentent l'inégalité, le manque de temps et sa propre impuissance, mais pour y mettre fin il s'accroche à l'espoir fou d'obtenir plus de la même chose : une circulation améliorée par des transports plus rapides. Il réclame des améliorations techniques des véhicules, des voies de circulation et des horaires ; ou bien il appelle de ses vœux une révolution qui organise des transports publics rapides en nationalisant les moyens de transport. Jamais il ne calcule le prix qu'il lui en coûtera pour être ainsi véhiculé dans un avenir meilleur. Il oublie que de toute accélération supplémentaire il payera lui-même la facture, sous forme d'impôts directs ou de taxes multiples. Il ne mesure pas le coût indirect du remplacement des voitures privées par des transports publics aussi rapides. Il est incapable d'imaginer les avantages apportés par l'abandon de l'

La consommation obligatoire d'un bien qui consomme beaucoup d'énergie (le transport motorisé) restreint les conditions de jouissance d'une valeur d'usage surabondante (la capacité innée de transit). La circulation nous offre l'exemple d'une loi économique générale : tout produit industriel dont la consommation par personne dépasse un niveau donné exercice un monopole radical sur la satisfaction d'un besoin. Passé un certain seuil, l'école obligatoire ferme l'accès au savoir, le système de soins médicaux détruit les sources non thérapeutique de la santé, le transport paralyse la circulation.

As enclosure by the lords increased national productivity by denying the individual peasant to keep a few sheep, so the encroachment of the loudspeaker has destroyed that silence which so far had given each man and woman his or her proper and equal voice. Unless you have access to a loudspeaker, you now are silenced.

People need new tools to work with rather than new tools that work for them.

In this new kind of world neither the vitality of nature nor the creative act of God makes things what they are. This birthright is withdrawn, and things come to be what they are because of their genetic code, as we would say today.

Electronic management as a political issue can be approached in several ways. I propose, at the beginning of this public consultation, to approach the issue as one of political ecology. Ecology, during the last ten years, has acquired a new meaning. It is still the name for a branch of professional biology, but the term now increasingly serves as the label under which a broad, politically organized general public analyzes and influences technical decisions.

The computer is credited with the capacity to create unsuspected amounts of busywork. We are straight on our way towards an energy-obsessed low energy society in a world that worships work but has nothing for people to do.

Above all, political discussion is stunned by a delusion about science. This term has come to mean an institutional enterprise rather than a personal activity, the solving of puzzles rather than the unpredictably creative activity of individual people. Science is now used to label a spectral production agency which turns out better knowledge just as medicine produces better health. The damage done by this misunderstanding about the nature of knowledge is even more fundamental than the damage done to the conceptions of health, education, or mobility by their identification with institutional outputs. False expectations
of better health corrupt society, but they do so in only one particular sense. They foster a declining concern with healthful environments, healthy life styles, and competence in the personal care of one's neighbor. Deceptions about health are circumstantial. The institutionalization of knowledge leads to a more general and degrading delusion. It makes people
dependent on having their knowledge produced for them. It leads to a paralysis of the moral and political imagination.

Jesus was an anarchist savior. That's what the Gospels tell us. Just before He started out on His public life, Jesus went to the desert. He fasted, and after 40 days he was hungry. At this point the diabolos, appeared to tempt Him. First he asked Him to turn stone into bread, then to prove himself in a magic flight, and finally the devil, diabolos, "divider," offered Him power. Listen carefully to the words of this last of the three temptations: (Luke 4,6:) "I give you all power and glory, because I have received them and I give them to those whom I choose. Adore me and the power will be yours." It is astonishing what the devil says: I have all power, it has been given to me, and I am the one to hand it on — submit, and it is yours. Jesus of course does not submit, and sends the devilcumpower to Hell. Not for a moment, however, does Jesus contradict the devil. He does not question that the devil holds all power, nor that this power has been given to him, nor that he, the devil, gives it to whom he pleases. This is a point which is easily overlooked. By his silence Jesus recognizes power that is established as "devil" and defines Himself as The Powerless. He who cannot accept this view on power cannot look at establishments through the spectacle of the Gospel. This is what clergy and churches often have difficulty doing. They are so strongly motivated by the image of church as a "helping institution" that they are constantly motivated to hold power, share in it or, at least, influence it.