As to Ireland: That kingdom must be considered to be in so critical a state, that unless a reform, a temperate reform in Parliament, and a full emancipation of the Catholics, together with a total change of the men who now conduct the affairs in that country, take place, and directly, if it be not now too late, we shall soon see that Ireland added to the list of Republics, which the fatal measures of our Ministers have been the cause of erecting and establishing all over Europe: but with this difference, that if a Revolution takes place in Ireland, it will inevitably produce a Revolution in Great Britain. Of no position in politics was I ever so assured of as of this, I protest: an axiom from which no arguments will ever be able to withdraw my reason.
British noble (1735-1811)
Augustus Henry FitzRoy, 3rd Duke of Grafton KG PC (28 September 173514 March 1811), styled Earl of Euston between 1747 and 1757, was a British Whig statesman of the Georgian era. He is one of a handful of dukes who have served as prime minister, an office he held from 14 October 1768 until 28 January 1770.
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Alternative Names:
Augustus Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Grafton
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Augustus Henry Fitzroy
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Augustus FitzRoy
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But what is your present situation? ... Great Britain is stript of, or deserted by, every ally on the Continent that could bring any essential aid: the last of whom, and an ally whose exertions might fairly be boasted of, if report says true, and this House has no other information, is just not our enemy.
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On the whole it was thought advisable to postpone the issuing of the Proclamation, which, at this time, would only appear as finding fault only with the People for their Joy too riotously testifyed at the late Election, & in that consideration might committ rather than give weight to the Ministers of Government. Every Step of Precaution for the last Night's Security of the Town, as well as for the future was also directed to the Civil Magistrate, as also planned for the Military.
I must nevertheless have trod very warily on ground that seemed to come any ways under the denomination of an insult on the Crown. That, my lord, is, and always has been a rule laid down by me which I will most religiously observe, that nothing in which I engage against His Majesty's ministers, whom I disapprove, shall ever be carried on by me with the shadow of offence against his person or family.
I went as I think every acquaintance is almost bound to do, to see Mr. Wilkes in his confinement, to hear from himself his own story and his defence; and to shew that no influence ought to stop the means of every man's justifying himself from an accusation, even though it should be of the most heinous kind. Hearing the shyness of lawyers in general to undertake his cause, as also the manner (perhaps unwarrantable) of his confinement, I was more desirous than ever to shew, that as far as my small power could extend, no subject of this country should want my countenance against oppression.
To prevent these greatest of evils extending hither, it will be wise to oppose the only effective remedy, which I earnestly recommend to the cool and dispassionate consideration of all your lordships: I mean a temperate Parliamentary Reform in this country, without which the Constitution will slip from under us.