Frédéric Bastiat Quotes

As soon as the injured classes have recovered their political rights, their first thought is not to abolish plunder (this would suppose them to possess enlightenment, which they cannot have), but to organize against the other classes, and to their own detriment, a system of reprisals — as if it was necessary, before the reign of justice arrives, that all should undergo a cruel retribution — some for their iniquity and some for their ignorance.

The law is the organization of the natural right of lawful defense; it is the substitution of collective for individual forces, for the purpose of acting in the sphere in which they have a right to act, of doing what they have a right to do, to secure persons, liberties, and properties, and to maintain each in its right, so as to cause justice to reign over all.

See whether the law takes from some persons that which belongs to them, to give to others what does not belong to them. See whether the law performs, for the profit of one citizen, and, to the injury of others, an act that this citizen cannot perform without committing a crime. Abolish this law without delay; it is not merely an iniquity — it is a fertile source of iniquities, for it invites reprisals;

have often asked them, and to which I am not aware that I ever received an answer: Since the natural tendencies of mankind are so bad that it is not safe to allow them liberty, how comes it to pass that the tendencies of organizers are always good? Do not the legislators and their agents form a part of the human race? Do they consider that they are composed of different materials from the rest of mankind? They say that society, when left to itself, rushes to inevitable destruction, because its instincts are perverse. They presume to stop it in its downward course, and to give it a better direction. They have, therefore, received from heaven, intelligence and virtues that place them beyond and above mankind: let them show their title to this superiority. They would be our shepherds, and we are to be their flock. This arrangement presupposes in them a natural superiority, the right to which we are fully justified in calling upon them to prove. You must observe that I am not contending against their right to invent social combinations, to propagate them, to recommend them, and to try them upon themselves, at their own expense and risk; but I do dispute their right to impose them upon us through the medium of the law, that is, by force and by public taxes. I would not insist upon the Cabetists, the Fourierists, the Proudhonians, the Academics, and the Protectionists renouncing their own particular ideas; I would only have them renounce the idea that is common to them all — viz., that of subjecting us by force to their own categories and rankings to their social laboratories,

And now that the legislators and do-gooders have so futilely inflicted so many systems upon society, may they finally end where they should have begun: May they reject all systems, and try liberty; for liberty is an acknowledgment of faith in God and His works.

Legal plunder has two roots: one of them, as we have already seen, is in human egotism; the other is in false philanthropy. Before

But yet he may live and enjoy, by seizing and appropriating the productions of the faculties of his fellow men. This is the origin of plunder. Now,

Ninguna sociedad puede existir, si no impera en algún grado el respeto a las leyes; pero es el caso que lo que da más seguridad para que sean respetadas las leyes, es que sean respetables. Cuando la ley y la moral se encuentran en contradicción, el ciudadano se encuentra en la cruel disyuntiva de perder la noción de lo moral o de perder el respeto a la ley, dos desgracias tan grandes una como la otra y entre las cuales es difícil elegir.

Thus men, according to Bossuet, derive nothing from themselves; patriotism, wealth, inventions, husbandry, science — all come to them by the operation of the laws, or by kings. All they have to do is to be passive.

La gran desventura de Francia es la preferencia de la igualdad por encima de la libertad. Alexis de Tocqueville.

historians are always telling us about the class that does not work, never about the class that does; and in this way we come to regard the first of these classes as the entire nation. I cannot help thinking that among the Greeks, among the Romans, among the people of the Middle Ages, men just did what they do now, and were subject to wants so pressing and so constantly recurring, that they were obliged to provide for them under pain of death. Hence I cannot help concluding that such employments then, as at present, formed the principal and absorbing occupation of the great bulk of the human race.

For what are our faculties, but the extension of our personality? and what is property, but an extension of our faculties?

quando se tenta fazer a lei religiosa, fraternal, igualitária, filantrópica, industrial, literária, artística, logo se atinge o infinito, o incerto, o desconhecido, a utopia imposta ou, o que é pior, uma infinidade de utopias em luta para apossar-se da lei e se impor. Pois a fraternidade e a filantropia, ao contrário da justiça, não têm limites fixos. Onde pararão? Onde parará a lei?

What is a law?” said he to himself. “It is a measure to which, when once it is decreed, be it good or bad, everybody is bound to conform. For the execution of the same a public force is organized, and to constitute the said public force, men and money are drawn from the whole nation.

Yes, as long as it is admitted that the law may be diverted from its true mission, that it may violate property instead of securing it, 12everybody will be wanting to manufacture law,