Russell Kirk Quotes

Any informed conservative is reluctant to condense profound and intricate intellectual systems to a few pretentious phrases; he prefers to leave that technique to the enthusiasm of radicals.

There is no such thing as a General Will (the delusion of Rousseau) or the Virtue of the Proletariat (the delusion of Marx) or the Rational Citizen (the delusion of John Stuart Mill). No mysterious wisdom abides in the bosom of the People to which we can appeal in this hour of our need. The public is not going to protest against stupid television programs or hysterical newspapers or the decay of our schools. The public, or the masses, have no mind or coherence, accurately speaking. In our time, the public takes what it is given.

Liberty, prescriptive freedom as we Americans know it, cannot endure without order. Our constitutions were established that order might make true freedom possible. For all our American talk of private judgment, dissent, and individualism, still our national character has the stamp of a respectful order almost superstitious in its power: respect for the moral traditions inculcated by our religion, and for the prescriptive political forms which we, more than any other people in the world, have maintained little altered in this time when Whirl is King of most of the universe. I think that we would do a most terrible mischief to our freedoms if we ceased to respect our established order and began, instead, to run after an abstract Jacobin liberté — in this age of the triumph of technology, of all times.

"To begin with unlimited freedom," Dostoevsky wrote, "is to end with unlimited despotism."

It is characteristic of the radical that he thinks of power as a force for good — so long as the power falls into his hands. In the name of liberty, the French and Russian revolutionaries abolished the old restraints upon power; but power cannot be abolished; it always finds its way into someone's hands. That power which the revolutionaries had thought oppressive in the hands of the old regime became many times as tyrannical in the hands of the radical new masters of the state.

(Plato discerned that the fundamental impulse within democracies was for every man to do as he might arbitrarily choose to do, without regard for others.)

The enlightened conservative does not believe that the end or aim of life is competition, or success or enjoyment; or longevity; or power; or possessions. He believes, instead that the object of life is Love. He knows that the just and ordered society is that in which Love governs us, so far as Love ever can reign in this world of sorrows; and he know that the anarchical or the tyrannical society is that in which Love lies corrupt. He has learnt that Love is the source of all being, and that Hell itself is ordained by Love. He understands that Death, when we have finished the part that was assigned to us, is the reward of Love. And he apprehends the truth that the greatest happiness ever granted to a man is the privilege of being happy in the hour of his death.

They offer few alternatives to the alleged benefits of the Welfare State, shrugging their shoulders; and the creed of most of them is no better than a latter-day Utilitarianism

Embracing his knees, she babbled of the Holy Blood, and thanked all her saints. "Lei, lei, a miracle! A miracle!"
"if so, one quite arbitrary," the Knight observed. "How very odd of God! Yet conceivably, Melchiora, there exist greater sinners whom the world mistakes for the elect. Were it not for that chance, and were I indeed particularly blessed, one would be tempted to embrace the error of Origen — though not, my darling, Origen's peculiar mode of renouncing the world."

All my days I have done evil. Knowing godhood thrice, no man can endure wholly sane. At one period of my existence I was Dionysius; at another, Dis; at a third, Ares.

Prudence is the foundation of all true statesmanship; in its political application, prudence is the application of principles to particular circumstances.

Society requires not only that the passions of individuals should be subjected, but that even in the mass and body, as well as in the individual, the inclinations of men should frequently be thwarted, their will controlled, and their passions brought into subjection.

Manfredo — Your Excellency — how can you, even you, hope...?"
"Life is a jest, and all things show it, my dear," I replied; "and if the most barbarous demagogue of the Congo treats the great of the world with hauteur, why should not such a one as I? Ah, yes: we'd best find time for an appeal to New Delhi, too, and Peiping. The might of Upper Volta must be implored, and the enlightened patriots of Bamako. Effrontery never brought greater rewards than it does in our time. Smile, Melchiora!

When a society is advancing in some respects, usually it is declining in others.

My argument is this: unless we begin to think of humanizing our American economy, our cities will continue to disintegrate, and the American people increasingly will grow bored and violent.