Quando se trata de botas, apelo para a autoridade dos sapateiros; se se trata de uma casa, de um canal ou de uma ferrovia, consulto a do arquiteto ou… - Mikhail Bakunin

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Quando se trata de botas, apelo para a autoridade dos sapateiros; se se trata de uma casa, de um canal ou de uma ferrovia, consulto a do arquiteto ou a do engenheiro. Por tal ciência especial, dirijo-me a este ou àquele cientista. Mas não deixo que me imponham nem o sapateiro, nem o arquiteto, nem o cientista. Eu os aceito livremente e com todo o respeito que me merecem sua inteligência, seu caráter, seu saber, reservando todavia meu direito incontestável de crítica e de controle. Não me contento em consultar uma única autoridade especialista, consulto várias; comparo suas opiniões, e escolho aquela que me parece a mais justa. Mas não reconheço nenhuma autoridade infalível, mesmo nas questões especiais; consequentemente, qualquer que seja o respeito que eu possa ter pela humanidade e pela sinceridade desse ou daquele indivíduo, não tenho fé absoluta em ninguém. Tal fé seria fatal à minha razão, à minha liberdade e ao próprio sucesso de minhas ações; ela me transformaria imediatamente num escravo estúpido, num instrumento da vontade e dos interesses de outrem.

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About Mikhail Bakunin

Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin (Russian: Михаил Александрович Бакунин) (30 May 1814 – 1 July 1876) was a Russian political philosopher, anarchist, and noted atheist.

Biography information from Wikiquote

Also Known As

Native Name: Михаи́л Алекса́ндрович Баку́нин
Alternative Names: Michael Bakunin Michail Alexandrovich Bakunin A. M. Bakunin Mikhail Aleksandrovich Bakunin Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin Bakunin
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Additional quotes by Mikhail Bakunin

The idea of humanity becomes more and more of a power in the civilized world, and, owing to the expansion and increasing speed of means of communication, and also owing to the influence, still more material than moral, of civilization upon barbarous peoples, this idea of humanity begins to take hold even of the minds of uncivilized nations. This idea is the invisible power of our century, with which the present powers — the States — must reckon. They cannot submit to it of their own free will because such submission on their part would be equivalent to suicide, since the triumph of humanity can be realized only through the destruction of the States. But the States can no longer deny this idea nor openly rebel against it, for having now grown too strong, it may finally destroy them.

In the face of this fainful alternative there remains only one way out: and that is hypocrisy. The States pay their outward respects to this idea of humanity; they speak and apparently act only in the name of it, but they violate it every day. This, however, should not be held against the States. They cannot act otherwise, their position having become such that they can hold their own only by lying. Diplomacy has no other mission.

Therefore what do we see? Every time a State wants to declare war upon another State, it starts off by launching a manifesto addressed not only to its own subjects but to the whole world. In this manifesto it declares that right and justice are on its side, and it endeavors to prove that it is actuated only by love of peace and humanity and that, imbued with generous and peaceful sentiments, it suffered for a long time in silence until the mounting iniquity of its enemy forced it to bare its sword. At the same time it vows that, disdainful of all material conquest and not seeking any increase in territory, it will put and end to this war as soon as justice is reestablished. And its antagonist answers with a similar manifesto, in which naturally right, justice,

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