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" "由此可知,任何过程如果有多数矛盾存在的话,其中必定有一种是主要的,起着领导的、决定的作用,其它则处于次要和服从的地位。因此,研究任何过程,如果是存在着两个以上矛盾的复杂过程的话,就要用全力找出它的主要矛盾。捉住了这个主要矛盾,一切问题就迎刃而解了。这是马克思研究资本主义社会告诉我们的方法。列宁和斯大林研究帝国主义和资本主义总危机的时候,列宁和斯大林研究苏联经济的时候,也告诉了这种方法。万千的学问家和实行家,不懂得这种方法,结果如堕烟海,找不到中心,也就找不到解决矛盾的方法。
Mao Zedong (or Mao Tse-tung in Wade-Giles; Simplified Chinese: 毛泽东; Traditional Chinese: 毛澤東; December 26, 1893 – September 9, 1976) was the Chairman of the Communist Party of China from 1943 until his death. He was also a founder of the People's Republic of China.
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The culture of New Democracy should likewise be "shared by all the common people", that is, it should be a national, scientific and mass culture, and must under no circumstances be a culture "privately owned by the few".
Such is the general or fundamental programme which we Communists advocate for the present stage, the entire stage of the bourgeois-democratic revolution. This is our minimum programme as against our future or maximum programme of socialism and communism. Its realization will carry the Chinese state and Chinese society a step forward, from a colonial, semi-colonial and semi-feudal to a new-democratic state and society.
The political leadership of the proletariat and the proletarian-led state and co-operative sectors of the economy required by our programme are socialist factors. Yet the fulfilment of this programme will not turn China into a socialist society.
We Communists do not conceal our political views. Definitely and beyond all doubt, our future or maximum programme is to carry China forward to socialism and communism. Both the name of our Party and our Marxist world outlook unequivocally point to this supreme ideal of the future, a future of incomparable brightness and splendour. On joining the Party, every Communist has two clearly-defined objectives at heart, the new-democratic revolution now and socialism and communism in the future, and for these he will fight despite the animosity of the enemies of communism and their vulgar and ignorant calumny, abuse and ridicule, which we must firmly combat. As for the well-meaning sceptics, we should explain things to them with goodwill and patience and not attack them. All this is very clear, definite and unequivocal.
中国人民从中国解放区和国民党统治区,获得了明显的比较。
难道还不明显吗?两条路线,人民战争的路线和反对人民战争的消极抗日的路线,其结果:一条是胜利的,即使处在中国解放区这种环境恶劣和毫无外援的地位;另一条是失败的,即使处在国民党统治区这种极端有利和取得外国接济的地位。
国民党政府把自己的失败归咎于缺乏武器。但是试问:缺乏武器的是国民党的军队呢,还是解放区的军队?中国解放区的军队是中国军队中武器最缺乏的军队,他们只能从敌人手里夺取武器和在最恶劣条件下自己制造武器。
国民党中央系军队的武器,不是比起地方系军队来要好得多吗?但是比起战斗力来,中央系却多数劣于地方系。
国民党拥有广大的人力资源,但是在它的错误的兵役政策下,人力补充却极端困难。中国解放区处在被敌人分割和战斗频繁的情况之下,因为普遍实施了适合人民需要的民兵和自卫军制度,又防止了对于人力资源的滥用和浪费,人力动员却可以源源不竭。
国民党拥有粮食丰富的广大地区,人民每年供给它七千万至一万万市担的粮食,但是大部分被经手人员中饱了,致使国民党的军队经常缺乏粮食,士兵饿得面黄肌瘦。中国解放区的主要部分隔在敌后,遭受敌人烧杀抢“三光”政策的摧残,其中有些是像陕北这样贫瘠的区域,但是却能用自己动手、发展农业生产的方法,很好地解决了粮食问题。
国民党区域经济危机极端严重,工业大部分破产了,连布匹这样的日用品也要从美国运来。中国解放区却能用发展工业的方法,自己解决布匹和其他日用品的需要。
在国民党区域,工人、农民、店员、公务人员、知识分子以及文化工作者,生活痛苦,达于极点。中国解放区的全体人民都有饭吃,有衣穿,有事做。
利用抗战发国难财,官吏即商人,贪污成风,廉耻扫地,这是国民党区域的特色之一。艰苦奋斗,以身作则,工作之外,还要生产,奖励廉洁,禁绝贪污,这是中国解放区的特色之一。
国民党区域剥夺人民的一切自由。中国解放区则给予人民以充分的自由。
国民党统治者面前摆着这些反常的状况,怪谁呢?怪别人,还是怪他们自己呢?怪外国缺少援助,还是怪国民党政府的独裁统治和腐败无能呢?这难道还不明白吗?
In approaching a problem a Marxist should see the whole as well as the parts. A frog in a well says, "The sky is no bigger than the mouth of the well." That is untrue, for the sky is not just the size of the mouth of the well. If it said, "A part of the sky is the size of the mouth of a well", that would be true, for it tallies with the facts. What we say is that in one respect the Red Army has failed (i.e., failed to maintain its original positions), but in another respect it has won a victory (i.e., in executing the plan of the Long March). In one respect the enemy won a victory (i.e., in occupying our original positions), but in another respect he has failed (i.e., failed to execute his plan of “encirclement ant suppression” and of “pursuit and suppression”). That is the only appropriate formulation, for we have completed the Long March.