Máme být my Němci odpovědni za zločiny, které na nás spáchali Němci nebo jimž jsme jakoby zázrakem ušli?

Ano - pokud jsme strpěli, aby u nás vznikl takový režim. Ne - pokud mnozí z nás byli svou nejvnitřnější podstatou nepřáteli tohoto zla a pokud nemusí uznat, že jsou v důsledku nějakého činu nebo nějaké motivace spoluvinni. Činit někoho odpovědným neznamená dávat mu morální vinu.

Kolektivní vina tedy sice nutně existuje jako politická vina státních příslušníků, ale neexistuje proto ještě ve stejném smyslu jako vina morální a metafyzická nebo jako vina kriminální.

The battle is a collision of power, of gods themselves: man is only a pawn in these terrible games, or their scene, or their medium; but man's greatness consists precisely in his act of becoming such medium. By this act he becomes imbued with a soul and identical with the powers.

Dieser Philosoph ist unabhängig: erstens, weil er bedürfnislos ist, frei von der Welt der Güter und von der Herrschaft der Triebe, er lebt asketisch; zweitens, weil er ohne Angst ist, denn er hat die Schreckbilder der Religionen in ihrer Unwahrheit durchschaut; drittens, weil er unbeteiligt an Staat und Politik ist, in der Verborgenheit in Ruhe lebt, ohne Bindungen, als Weltbürger. — -
This philosopher is independent, first because he is without needs, free from the world of possessions and the rule of passions, he is an ascetic; second, because he is without fear, for he has seen through the illusory terrors of the religions; third, because he takes no part in government and politics and lives without ties, in peaceful retirement, a citizen of the world. — -
Triết gia độc lập: thứ nhất vì họ không có nhu cầu, vì họ đã thoát ly được những của cải vật chất, và áp lực của thú năng, họ sống một đời khổ hạnh. Thứ hai, họ gan dạ anh hùng vì họ đã lột mặt nạ những kẻ giả mạo của thần thoại, mà các tôn giáo đã dựa vào để gieo rắc sự sợ sệt vào lòng người. Thứ ba, họ sống an nhàn ở một nơi riêng biệt không dính dáng tới một sự vật nào cả và chỉ sống như một công dân của thế giới.

The limits of science have always been the source of bitter disappointment when people expected something from science that it was not able to provide. Take the following examples: a man without faith seeking to find in science a substitute for his faith on which to build his life; a man unsatisfied by philosophy seeking an all-embracing universal truth in science; a spiritually shallow person growing aware of his own futility in the course of engaging in the endless reflections imposed by science. In every one of these cases, science begins as an object of blind idolatry and ends up as an object of hatred and
contempt. Disenchantment inevitably follows upon these and similar misconceptions. One question remains: What value can science possibly have when its limitations have become so painfully clear?

This I know: in my freedom I am not through myself, but am given to myself, for I can fail myself and I cannot force my freedom. Where I am authentically myself, I am certain that I am not through myself. The highest freedom is experienced in freedom from the world, and this freedom is a profound bond with transcendence.

The vicious circle of dread of war which leads the nations to arm themselves for self-protection, with the result that bloated armaments ultimately lead to the war which they were intended to avert, can be broken in either of two conceivable ways. There might arise a unique world power, brought into being by the unification of all those now in possession of weapons, and equipped with the capacity to forbid the lesser and unarmed nations to make war. On the other hand, it may arise by the working of a fate to us still inscrutable which, out of ruin, will disclose a way towards the development of a new human being. To will the discovery of this way would be blind impotence, but those who do not wish to deceive themselves will be prepared for the possibility.

ყოველგვარი ახსნისა და შესაძლებელი ინტერპრეტაციის მიღმა არის არა არარა, არამედ ტრანსცენდენციის ყოფიერება

The mass-man has very little spare time, does not live a life that appertains to a whole, does not want to exert himself except for some concrete aim which can be expressed in terms of utility; he will not wait patiently while things ripen; everything for him must provide some immediate gratification; and even his mental life must minister to his fleeting pleasures. That is why the essay has become the customary form of literature, why newspapers are taking the place of books... People read quickly and cursorily.

Každý občan má svůj díl odpovědnosti za to, co stát činí, a každý je společně se státem postižen tím, co stát potkalo. Zločinecký stát jde k tíži celému národu. Jedná-li se tedy s vůdci státu jako se zločinci, i když jimi jsou, má občan pocit, že se tak jedná i s ním. S nimi je odsuzován i národ. Proto národ pociťuje to, co vůdcové státu nyní prožívají, jako vlastní urážku a ztrátu důstojnosti.

V klidných dobách se skoro zapomnělo, že se mezi lidmi rozhoduje násilím, nedohodnou-li se, a že veškerý státní řád je krocením tohoto násilí, ale takovým, při němž násilí zůstává – uvnitř jako vynucování práva, navenek jako válka.

Tam, kde s válkou nastupuje situace násilí, přestává právo. My Evropané jsme se snažili udržet ještě i později v platnosti zbytek práva a zákona mezinárodněprávními ustanoveními, která platí i ve válce a která byla posléze uložena do Haagských a Ženevských úmluv. Zdá se, že to bylo marné.

A comprehensive philosophy of history should interpret the changes in man's condition as a meaningful succession of historical ways of life; in every epoch these ways of life account fro the general situation and the prevailing patterns of action and though. They do not replace each other suddenly. The old is still alive while the new unfolds itself. The mighty breakthrough of the new is bound at first to fail against the staying power and coherence of the old way of life not yet exhausted. Transition is the zone of tragedy.

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Ale dnes svatozář kolem hlav států zmizela. Jsou to lidé a jsou odpovědni za své činy. Od té doby, co evropské národy začaly stavět své monarchy před soud a stínat jim hlavy, je úkolem národů kontrolovat své vůdce. Státní akty jsou zároveň osobní akty. Odpovídají za ně lidé jako jednotlivci.