The contradictions between the enemy and us are antagonistic contradictions. Within the ranks of the people, the contradictions among the working people are non-antagonistic, while those between the exploited and the exploiting classes have a non-antagonistic aspect in addition to an antagonistic aspect.
1st chairman of the Chinese Communist Party and founder of the People's Republic of China (1893–1976)
Mao Zedong (or Mao Tse-tung in Wade-Giles; Simplified Chinese: 毛泽东; Traditional Chinese: 毛澤東; December 26, 1893 – September 9, 1976) was the Chairman of the Communist Party of China from 1943 until his death. He was also a founder of the People's Republic of China.
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What is knowledge? Ever since class society came into being the world has had only two kinds of knowledge, knowledge of the struggle of production and knowledge of the class struggle. Natural science and social science are the crystallization of these two kinds of knowledge, and philosophy is the generalization and summation of the knowledge of nature.
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共产党内正确思想和错误思想的矛盾,如前所说,在阶级存在的时候,这是阶级矛盾对于党内的反映。这种矛盾,在开始的时候,或在个别的问题上,并不一定马上表现为对抗性的。但随着阶级斗争的发展,这种矛盾也就可能发展为对抗性的。苏联共产党的历史告诉我们:列宁、斯大林的正确思想和托洛茨基、布哈林等人的错误思想的矛盾,在开始的时候还没有表现为对抗的形式,但随后就发展为对抗的了。中国共产党的历史也有过这样的情形。我们党内许多同志的正确思想和陈独秀、张国焘等人的错误思想的矛盾,在开始的时候也没有表现为对抗的形式,但随后就发展为对抗的了。目前我们党内的正确思想和错误思想的矛盾,没有表现为对抗的形式,如果犯错误的同志能够改正自己的错误,那就不会发展为对抗性的东西。因此,党一方面必须对于错误思想进行严肃的斗争,另方面又必须充分地给犯错误的同志留有自己觉悟的机会。在这样的情况下,过火的斗争,显然是不适当的。但如果犯错误的人坚持错误,并扩大下去,这种矛盾也就存在着发展为对抗性的东西的可能性。
百花齐放,百家争鸣,长期共存,互相监督,这几个口号是怎样提出来的呢?它是根据中国的具体情况提出来的,是在承认社会主义社会仍然存在着各种矛盾的基础上提出来的,是在国家需要迅速发展经济和文化的迫切要求上提出来的。百花齐放、百家争鸣的方针,是促进艺术发展和科学进步的方针,是促进我国的社会主义文化繁荣的方针。艺术上不同的形式和风格可以自由发展,科学上不同的学派可以自由争论。利用行政力量,强制推行一种风格,一种学派,禁止另一种风格,另一种学派,我们认为会有害于艺术和科学的发展。艺术和科学中的是非问题,应当通过艺术界科学界的自由讨论去解决,通过艺术和科学的实践去解决,而不应当采取简单的方法去解决。为了判断正确的东西和错误的东西,常常需要有考验的时间。历史上新的正确的东西,在开始的时候常常得不到多数人承认,只能在斗争中曲折地发展。正确的东西,好的东西,人们一开始常常不承认它们是香花,反而把它们看作毒草。
I knew the Classics, but disliked them. What I enjoyed were the romances of Old China, and especially stories of rebellions. I read the Yo Fei Chuan, Shui Hu Chuan, Fan T'ang, San Kuo, and Hsi Yu Chi, while still very young, and despite the vigilance of my old teacher, who hated these outlawed books and called them wicked. I used to read them in school, covering them up with a Classic when the teacher walked past. So also did most of my schoolmates. We learned many of the stories almost by heart, and discussed and re-discussed them many times. We knew more of them than the old men of the village, who also loved them and used to exchange stories with us. I believe that perhaps I was much influenced by such books, read at an impressionable age.
The culture of New Democracy should likewise be "shared by all the common people", that is, it should be a national, scientific and mass culture, and must under no circumstances be a culture "privately owned by the few".
Such is the general or fundamental programme which we Communists advocate for the present stage, the entire stage of the bourgeois-democratic revolution. This is our minimum programme as against our future or maximum programme of socialism and communism. Its realization will carry the Chinese state and Chinese society a step forward, from a colonial, semi-colonial and semi-feudal to a new-democratic state and society.
The political leadership of the proletariat and the proletarian-led state and co-operative sectors of the economy required by our programme are socialist factors. Yet the fulfilment of this programme will not turn China into a socialist society.
We Communists do not conceal our political views. Definitely and beyond all doubt, our future or maximum programme is to carry China forward to socialism and communism. Both the name of our Party and our Marxist world outlook unequivocally point to this supreme ideal of the future, a future of incomparable brightness and splendour. On joining the Party, every Communist has two clearly-defined objectives at heart, the new-democratic revolution now and socialism and communism in the future, and for these he will fight despite the animosity of the enemies of communism and their vulgar and ignorant calumny, abuse and ridicule, which we must firmly combat. As for the well-meaning sceptics, we should explain things to them with goodwill and patience and not attack them. All this is very clear, definite and unequivocal.
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“Let a hundred flowers blossom, let a hundred schools of thought contend” and “long-term coexistence and mutual supervision” — how did these slogans come to be put forward? They were put forward in the light of China’s specific conditions, in recognition of the continued existence of various kinds of contradictions in socialist society and in response to the country’s urgent need to speed up its economic and cultural development. Letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend is the policy for promoting progress in the arts and sciences and a flourishing socialist culture in our land. Different forms and styles in art should develop freely and different schools in science should contend freely. We think that it is harmful to the growth of art and science if administrative measures are used to impose one particular style of art or school of thought and to ban another. Questions of right and wrong in the arts and sciences should be settled through free discussion in artistic and scientific circles and through practical work in these fields. They should not be settled in an over-simple manner. A period of trial is often needed to determine whether something is right or wrong. Throughout history, at the outset new and correct things often failed to win recognition from the majority of people and had to develop by twists and turns through struggle. Often, correct and good things were first regarded not as fragrant flowers but as poisonous weeds.
新民主主义的文化,同样应该是“为一般平民所共有”的,即是说,民族的、科学的、大众的文化,决不应该是“少数人所得而私”的文化。
上述一切,就是我们共产党人在现阶段上,在整个资产阶级民主革命的阶段上所主张的一般纲领,或基本纲领。对于我们的社会主义和共产主义制度的将来纲领或最高纲领说来,这是我们的最低纲领。实行这个纲领,可以把中国从现在的国家状况和社会状况向前推进一步,即是说,从殖民地、半殖民地和半封建的国家和社会状况,推进到新民主主义的国家和社会。
这个纲领所规定的无产阶级在政治上的领导权,无产阶级领导下的国营经济和合作社经济,是社会主义的因素。但是这个纲领的实行,还没有使中国成为社会主义社会。
我们共产党人从来不隐瞒自己的政治主张。我们的将来纲领或最高纲领,是要将中国推进到社会主义社会和共产主义社会去的,这是确定的和毫无疑义的。我们的党的名称和我们的马克思主义的宇宙观,明确地指明了这个将来的、无限光明的、无限美妙的最高理想。每个共产党员入党的时候,心目中就悬着为现在的新民主主义革命而奋斗和为将来的社会主义和共产主义而奋斗这样两个明确的目标,而不顾那些共产主义敌人的无知的和卑劣的敌视、污蔑、谩骂或讥笑;对于这些,我们必须给以坚决的排击。对于那些善意的怀疑者,则不是给以排击而是给以善意的和耐心的解释。所有这些,都是异常清楚、异常确定和毫不含糊的。