Mao Zedong Quotes

在中国解放区，在民主政府领导之下，号召一切抗日人民组织在工人的、农民的、青年的、妇女的、文化的和其他职业和工作的团体之中，热烈地从事援助军队的各项工作。这些工作不但包括动员人民参加军队，替军队运输粮食，优待抗日军人家属，帮助军队解决物质困难，而且包括动员游击队、民兵和自卫军，展开袭击运动和爆炸运动，侦察敌情，清除奸细，运送伤兵和保护伤兵，直接帮助军队的作战。同时，全解放区人民又热烈地从事政治、经济、文化、卫生各项建设工作。在这方面，最重要的是动员全体人民从事粮食和日用品的生产，并使一切机关、学校，除有特殊情形者外，一律于工作或学习之暇，从事生产自给，以配合人民和军队的生产自给，造成伟大的生产热潮，借以支持长期的抗日战争。在中国解放区，敌人的摧残是异常严重的；水、旱、虫灾，也时常发生。但是，解放区民主政府领导全体人民，有组织地克服了和正在克服着各种困难，灭蝗、治水、救灾的伟大群众运动，收到了史无前例的效果，使抗日战争能够长期地坚持下去。总之，一切为着前线，一切为着打倒日本侵略者和解放中国人民，这就是中国解放区全体军民的总口号、总方针。

China's protracted war has exacted and will continue to exact great sacrifices from the Chinese people, but at the same time this very war has tempered them. It has awakened and united the Chinese people to a greater degree than all their great struggles in the last hundred years. The Chinese people face not only a formidable national enemy but also powerful domestic reactionary forces which are in fact helping the enemy; this is one side of the picture. But the other side is that the Chinese people are not only more politically conscious than ever before but have built powerful Liberated Areas and a nation-wide democratic movement that is growing day by day. These constitute favourable domestic conditions. If the defeats and setbacks in the Chinese people's struggles of the last hundred years were due to the absence of certain necessary international and domestic conditions, then today the situation is different--all the necessary conditions are present. There is every possibility of avoiding defeat and winning victory. We shall be victorious if we can unite the whole people in resolute struggle and give them proper leadership.

中国的长期战争，使中国人民付出了并且还将再付出重大的牺牲；但是同时，正是这个战争，锻炼了中国人民。这个战争促进中国人民的觉悟和团结的程度，是近百年来中国人民的一切伟大的斗争没有一次比得上的。在中国人民面前，不但存在着强大的民族敌人，而且存在着强大的实际上帮助民族敌人的国内反动势力，这是一方面。但是另一方面，中国人民不但已经有了比过去任何时候都高的觉悟程度，而且有了强大的中国解放区和日益高涨着的全国性的民主运动。这是国内的有利条件。如果说，中国近百年来一切人民斗争都遭到了失败或挫折，而这是因为缺乏国际的和国内的若干必要的条件，那末，这一次就不同了，比较以往历次，一切必要的条件都具备了。避免失败和取得胜利的可能性充分地存在着。如果我们能够团结全国人民，努力奋斗，并给以适当的指导，我们就能够胜利。

Our congress is being held in the following circumstances. A new situation has emerged after nearly eight years of resolute, heroic and indomitable struggle waged by the Chinese people with countless sacrifices and amid untold hardships against the Japanese aggressors; in the world as a whole, decisive victory has been gained in the just and sacred war against the fascist aggressors and the moment is near when the Japanese aggressors will be defeated by the Chinese people in co-ordination with the allied countries. But China remains disunited and is still confronted with a grave crisis. In these circumstances, what ought we to do? Beyond all doubt, the urgent need is to unite representatives of all political parties and groups and of people without any party affiliation and establish a provisional democratic coalition government for the purpose of instituting democratic reforms, surmounting the present crisis, mobilizing and unifying all the anti-Japanese forces in the country to fight in effective co-ordination with the allied countries for the defeat of the Japanese aggressors, and thus enabling the Chinese people to liberate themselves from the latter's clutches. After that it will be necessary to convene a national assembly on a broad democratic basis and set up a formally constituted democratic government, which will also be in the nature of a coalition and will have a still wider representation of people from all parties and groups or without any party affiliation, and which will lead the liberated people of the whole country in building an independent, free, democratic, united, prosperous and powerful new China. In short, we must take the line of unity and democracy, defeat the aggressors and build a new China.

我们的大会是在这种情况之下开会的：中国人民在其对于日本侵略者作了将近八年的坚决的英勇的不屈不挠的奋斗，经历了无数的艰难困苦和自我牺牲之后，出现了这样的新局面——整个世界上反对法西斯侵略者的神圣的正义的战争，已经取得了有决定意义的胜利，中国人民配合同盟国打败日本侵略者的时机，已经迫近了。但是中国现在仍然不团结，中国仍然存在着严重的危机。在这种情况下，我们应该怎样做呢？毫无疑义，中国急需把各党各派和无党无派的代表人物团结在一起，成立民主的临时的联合政府，以便实行民主的改革，克服目前的危机，动员和统一全中国的抗日力量，有力地和同盟国配合作战，打败日本侵略者，使中国人民从日本侵略者手中解放出来。然后，需要在广泛的民主基础之上，召开国民代表大会，成立包括更广大范围的各党各派和无党无派代表人物在内的同样是联合性质的民主的正式的政府，领导解放后的全国人民，将中国建设成为一个独立、自由、民主、统一和富强的新国家。一句话，走团结和民主的路线，打败侵略者，建设新中国。

Enterprises, such as banks, railways and airlines, whether Chinese-owned or foreign-owned, which are either monopolistic in character or too big for private management, shall be operated and administered by the state, so that private capital cannot dominate the livelihood of the people: this is the main principle of the regulation of capital. This is another solemn declaration in the Manifesto of the Kuomintang's First National Congress held during the period of Kuomintang-Communist co-operation, and it is the correct policy for the economic structure of the new-democratic republic. In the new-democratic republic under the leadership of the proletariat, the state enterprises will be of a socialist character and will constitute the leading force in the whole national economy, but the republic will neither confiscate capitalist private property in general nor forbid the development of such capitalist production as does not "dominate the livelihood of the people", for China's economy is still very backward.

大银行、大工业、大商业，归这个共和国的国家所有。“凡本国人及外国人之企业，或有独占的性质，或规模过大为私人之力所不能办者，如银行、铁道、航路之属，由国家经营管理之，使私有资本制度不能操纵国民之生计，此则节制资本之要旨也。”这也是国共合作的国民党的第一次全国代表大会宣言中的庄严的声明，这就是新民主主义共和国的经济构成的正确的方针。在无产阶级领导下的新民主主义共和国的国营经济是社会主义的性质，是整个国民经济的领导力量，但这个共和国并不没收其他资本主义的私有财产，并不禁止“不能操纵国民生计”的资本主义生产的发展，这是因为中国经济还十分落后的缘故。

The state system, a joint dictatorship of all the revolutionary classes and the system of government, democratic centralism--these constitute the politics of New Democracy, the republic of New Democracy, the republic of the anti-Japanese united front, the republic of the new Three People's Principles with their Three Great Policies' the Republic of China in reality as well as in name. Today we have a Republic of China in name but not in reality, and our present task is to create the reality that will fit the name.

国体——各革命阶级联合专政。政体——民主集中制。这就是新民主主义的政治，这就是新民主主义的共和国，这就是抗日统一战线的共和国，这就是三大政策的新三民主义的共和国，这就是名副其实的中华民国。我们现在虽有中华民国之名，尚无中华民国之实，循名责实，这就是今天的工作。

This new-democratic republic will be different from the old European-American form of capitalist republic under bourgeois dictatorship, which is the old democratic form and already out of date. On the other hand, it will also be different from the socialist republic of the Soviet type under the dictatorship of the proletariat which is already flourishing in the U.S.S.R., and which, moreover, will be established in all the capitalist countries and will undoubtedly become the dominant form of state and governmental structure in all the industrially advanced countries. However, for a certain historical period, this form is not suitable for the revolutions in the colonial and semi-colonial countries. During this period, therefore, a third form of state must be adopted in the revolutions of all colonial and semi-colonial countries, namely, the new-democratic republic. This form suits a certain historical period and is therefore transitional; nevertheless, it is a form which is necessary and cannot be dispensed with.

这种新民主主义共和国，一方面和旧形式的、欧美式的、资产阶级专政的、资本主义的共和国相区别，那是旧民主主义的共和国，那种共和国已经过时了；另一方面，也和苏联式的、无产阶级专政的、社会主义的共和国相区别，那种社会主义的共和国已经在苏联兴盛起来，并且还要在各资本主义国家建立起来，无疑将成为一切工业先进国家的国家构成和政权构成的统治形式；但是那种共和国，在一定的历史时期中，还不适用于殖民地半殖民地国家的革命。因此，一切殖民地半殖民地国家的革命，在一定历史时期中所采取的国家形式，只能是第三种形式，这就是所谓新民主主义共和国。这是一定历史时期的形式，因而是过渡的形式，但是不可移易的必要的形式。

Being a bourgeoisie in a colonial and semi-colonial country and oppressed by imperialism, the Chinese national bourgeoisie retains a certain revolutionary quality at certain periods and to a certain degree--even in the era of imperialism--in its opposition to the foreign imperialists and the domestic governments of bureaucrats and warlords (instances of opposition to the latter can be found in the periods of the Revolution of 1911 and the Northern Expedition), and it may ally itself with the proletariat and the petty bourgeoisie against such enemies as it is ready to oppose. In this respect the Chinese bourgeoisie differs from the bourgeoisie of old tsarist Russia. Since tsarist Russia was a military-feudal imperialism which carried on aggression against other countries, the Russian bourgeoisie was entirely lacking in revolutionary quality. There, the task of the proletariat was to oppose the bourgeoisie, not to unite with it. But China's national bourgeoisie has a revolutionary quality at certain periods and to a certain degree, because China is a colonial and semi-colonial country which is a victim of aggression. Here, the task of the proletariat is to form a united front with the national bourgeoisie against imperialism and the bureaucrat and warlord governments without overlooking its revolutionary quality. At the same time, however, being a bourgeois class in a colonial and semi-colonial country and so being extremely flabby economically and politically, the Chinese national bourgeoisie also has another quality, namely, a proneness to conciliation with the enemies of the revolution. Even when it takes part in the revolution, it is unwilling to break with imperialism completely and, moreover, it is closely associated with the exploitation of the rural areas through land rent; thus it is neither willing nor able to overthrow imperialism, and much less the feudal forces, in a thorough way. So neither of the two basic problems or tasks of China's bourgeois-democratic revolution can be solved or accomplished by the national bourgeoisie. As for China's big bourgeoisie, which is represented by the Kuomintang, all through the long period from 1927 to 1937 it nestled in the arms of the imperialists and formed an alliance with the feudal forces against the revolutionary people. In 1927 and for some time afterwards, the Chinese national bourgeoisie also followed the counter-revolution. During the present anti-Japanese war, the section of the big bourgeoisie represented by Wang Ching-wei has capitulated to the enemy, which constitutes a fresh betrayal on the part of the big bourgeoisie. In this respect, then, the bourgeoisie in China differs from the earlier bourgeoisie of the European and American countries, and especially of France. When the bourgeoisie in those countries, and especially in France, was still in its revolutionary era, the bourgeois revolution was comparatively thorough, whereas the bourgeoisie in China lacks even this degree of thoroughness.

由于中国民族资产阶级是殖民地半殖民地国家的资产阶级，是受帝国主义压迫的，所以，虽然处在帝国主义时代，他们也还是在一定时期中和一定程度上，保存着反对外国帝国主义和反对本国官僚军阀政府（这后者，例如在辛亥革命时期和北伐战争时期）的革命性，可以同无产阶级、小资产阶级联合起来，反对它们所愿意反对的敌人。这是中国资产阶级和旧俄帝国的资产阶级的不同之点。在旧俄帝国，因为它已经是一个军事封建的帝国主义，是侵略别人的，所以俄国的资产阶级没有什么革命性。在那里，无产阶级的任务，是反对资产阶级，而不是联合它。在中国，因为它是殖民地半殖民地，是被人侵略的，所以中国民族资产阶级还有在一定时期中和一定程度上的革命性。在这里，无产阶级的任务，在于不忽视民族资产阶级的这种革命性，而和他们建立反帝国主义和反官僚军阀政府的统一战线。
但同时，也即是由于他们是殖民地半殖民地的资产阶级，他们在经济上和政治上是异常软弱的，他们又保存了另一种性质，即对于革命敌人的妥协性。中国的民族资产阶级，即使在革命时，也不愿意同帝国主义完全分裂，并且他们同农村中的地租剥削有密切联系，因此，他们就不愿和不能彻底推翻帝国主义，更加不愿和更加不能彻底推翻封建势力。这样，中国资产阶级民主革命的两个基本问题，两大基本任务，中国民族资产阶级都不能解决。至于中国的大资产阶级，以国民党为代表，在一九二七年至一九三七年这一个长的时期内，一直是投入帝国主义的怀抱，并和封建势力结成同盟，反对革命人民的。中国的民族资产阶级也曾在一九二七年及其以后的一个时期内一度附和过反革命。在抗日战争中，大资产阶级的一部分，以汪精卫为代表，又已投降敌人，表示了大资产阶级的新的叛变。这又是中国资产阶级同历史上欧美各国的资产阶级特别是法国的资产阶级的不同之点。在欧美各国，特别在法国，当它们还在革命时代，那里的资产阶级革命是比较彻底的；在中国，资产阶级则连这点彻底性都没有。

Communism is at once a complete system of proletarian ideology and a new social system. It is different from any other ideology or social system, and is the most complete, progressive, revolutionary and rational system in human history. The ideological and social system of feudalism has a place only in the museum of history. The ideological and social system of capitalism has also become a museum piece in one part of the world (in the Soviet Union), while in other countries it resembles "a dying person who is sinking fast, like the sun setting beyond the western hills", and will soon be relegated to the museum. The communist ideological and social system alone is full of youth and vitality, sweeping the world with the momentum of an avalanche and the force of a thunderbolt. The introduction of scientific communism into China has opened new vistas for people and has changed the face of the Chinese revolution. Without communism to guide it, China's democratic revolution cannot possibly succeed, let alone move on to the next stage. This is the reason why the bourgeois die-hards are so loudly demanding that communism be "folded up". But it must not be "folded up", for once communism is "folded up", China will be doomed. The whole world today depends on communism for its salvation, and China is no exception.

共产主义是无产阶级的整个思想体系，同时又是一种新的社会制度。这种思想体系和社会制度，是区别于任何别的思想体系和任何别的社会制度的，是自有人类历史以来，最完全最进步最革命最合理的。封建主义的思想体系和社会制度，是进了历史博物馆的东西了。资本主义的思想体系和社会制度，已有一部分进了博物馆（在苏联）；其余部分，也已“日薄西山，气息奄奄，人命危浅，朝不虑夕”，快进博物馆了。惟独共产主义的思想体系和社会制度，正以排山倒海之势，雷霆万钧之力，磅礴于全世界，而葆其美妙之青春。中国自有科学的共产主义以来，人们的眼界是提高了，中国革命也改变了面目。中国的民主革命，没有共产主义去指导是决不能成功的，更不必说革命的后一阶段了。这也就是资产阶级顽固派为什么要那样叫嚣和要求“收起”它的原因。其实，这是“收起”不得的，一收起，中国就会亡国。现在的世界，依靠共产主义做救星；现在的中国，也正是这样。